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04/14/2007: "Delimitation a manipulation of leading tribes – NSCN (K) The Morung Express"

Delimitation a manipulation of leading tribes – NSCN (K) The Morung Express

Dimapur, April 13 (MExN): The “peaceful” atmosphere of Nagaland is being ‘disturbed’ by the “hagglings and wranglings” over the delimitation issue when it is found that there are grave injustices and “extreme selfishness” on the part of some “leading” Naga tribes, the NSCN-K maintains.
A note from NSCN-K Kilonser AZ Jami pointed out that “if one is to go by the Indian system of representation and governance, one finds dishonest acts of grave injustice and extreme selfishness on the part of some leading tribes among the Naga tribes in retaining unjust shares.” The matter “in most cases” are not based on justice and equality but firmly rooted in injustice and “beastly selfishness” Jami asserted adding that there is no reason why Nagaland alone should be exempted from the delimitation exercise. The article 371 (a) of the Indian constitution and clause 7 of the 16-point Agreement does not empower any authority to exempt the state from the exercise neither any claim for exemption is to be made, he explained.
On the census debate, Jami wondered if there are any Nagas to ‘assert” that the 2001 census figures are ‘exaggerations and duplication’ and that if it is thought that a full-fledged state with a population of only 20 Lakh “is too much for them.” “If someone says that there are anomalies or irregularities in the 2001 census figures, then the figures of the previous censuses, 1974-1991, were stifled, suppressed and manipulated by people from a particular tribe who held entire reins of Nagaland state” the kilonser asserted adding that if the 60 seats were justly divided among the tribes “no single tribe howsoever big can have 10 seats out of 60.” Further, if the 2001 census was found to be anomalous, why did not the state government go for revision during 2002-2003, the NSCN-K queried.
Pointing out that Nagaland is a Christian state, Jami held opinion that “Naga Christian pioneers are more aggressive and selfish and have learnt the ways of trickery.” He advised that Nagas should “shed away” the “elements of savagery” and rather cultivate “brotherhood, friendliness, accommodativeness, justice and equality” as Christians. Only then Nagaland would “be a pleasant place to live in,” he added.
BJP wants church to stay Kuknalim.com
KOHIMA, April 13:: The Nagaland unit of the BJP has opposed the Assam government’s decision to demolish the 162-year-old heritage Baptist Church at Panbazar in Guwahati, to make way for a parking lot.
Ato Yepthomi, president of the Nagaland unit of the BJP, said the Assam government’s decision has not only hurt the sentiments of Christians but also the people of the entire northeastern region.

“Such a step by the Congress government speaks of its partisan attitude and questions its secular credentials”, Yepthomi said. He said the Nagaland unit of his party would strongly oppose the move. He said the 162-year-old church was a national heritage, which needs to be preserved. “It is surprising that the Christian community and other church leaders in Assam and Nagaland have kept quiet over the issue so far”, Yepthomi said. “The BJP appeals to all the Church leaders in Nagaland and the Northeast to put pressure on the Congress in Assam to stop the atrocities against the Christian community.”

He also sought the intervention of the Nagaland Congress to stop the demolition of the church. The BJP also suspects foul play, as the Council of Baptist Churches of Northeast India in Guwahati is not aware of the government’s decision. The council is the apex organisation of Baptist churches in the Northeast. Yepthomi also asked the churches and Nagaland Baptist Church Council and other Christian communities to oppose the move.(Telegraph)
Nagaland gears up for defense equipment base The Morung Express
DIMAPUR, APRIL 13 (MExN): Indian Armour, a defence equipment firm based in Faridabad is all set to establish a base in Nagaland sometime by the end of this year. The resolution was taken after the Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio met with Anil Kant, the CEO of the company and the official signing of the MOU will be done in Kohima in the beginning of next month.
Lanu Yaden, Director of the Tactical and Combat Gear (TAC Gear) of the company, in a telephone conversation with The Morung Express said that this new venture would create employment opportunities for the naturally-talented Naga boys and girls. He added that though the employees would need to go through some initial training he expressed confidence that the local youngsters would excel with their inherent artistic abilities and excellent command over the English language. The Indian Armour company had initially planned to set up the base in Malaysia which had made a very good offer in terms of land, cheap electricity etc but the company had reconsidered the decision as it seemed illogical to set up the base outside the country. Now the company has decided to acquire some 50 acres near Dimapur considering the availability of primary infrastructure and accessibility of the region.
Commenting on the decision of the company to set up such a base in a region which gave out the perception of threat, Lanu Yaden said that Nagaland was known for insurgency but it was at least not known as a terrorist state, where the innocent people were targets. “We admit that we have a legitimate problem which needs to be solved but you cannot hope for development to be brought from outside” Yaden continued. Saying that Nagaland was in a “Catch-22 situation” Yaden took the example of the state of power in Nagaland which was in a feeble condition because there were no private investors and there were no private company investing in Nagaland because there was no power. He implied that Nagaland needed very much to get out of this vicious cycle and do everything to make the state commercially and economically viable.

Indian Armour Company exports its products to US-based Armour Holdings and it is probable that the armoured vehicles and bullet-proof vests manufactured in Nagaland will be exported for use by the allied forces in Afghanistan and Iraq. Defense equipments now have a world wide market demand with the rise in terrorism and the need to protect the solders and the base in Nagaland is expected to cater to the rising demands in this part of the globe.
The unspoilt relic of the Naga life Bonnie Konyak Moya/Kiphire The Morung Express
Nestled in the middle of nature’s serenity, detached from the materialistic chase, hidden from its other counterparts, flourishes the village of Moya, some 60 kilometers from Kiphire town. This Yimchunger village, despite its daily struggle for survival, brings out the distinct sense of the unadulterated Naga living, complete with all the pride, arrogance, humor and the hospitality. A trip to this isolated haven was akin to an experience on the ‘time machine’ transporting me to a world that once had belonged to the Nagas and was now, fast fading.
Cultivating corn and beans in its rocky hills, the villagers challenge nature for their survival and find satisfaction in the simplicity of their lives. The concept of market has not found popularity in the lives of these proud people who are reluctant to sit in some nearby towns and sell their products. Hence there is little motivation to increase the productivity of their crops and the added problem of transportation facility deters any such efforts. It is the land of a people who make do with what is available, a people who have learnt the art of improvising instead of complaining, a people who are unaware of what they don’t have and unaffected by it.
An unforgettable experience was that of the Maga Customary Court, Moya Village around which the all the activities of the village revolve. Cases are discussed, decisions passed and punishment executed in the court by the council members and GBs who have a strong hold over the village affairs. A tiny enclosure made of wood is the “jail” erected right in the middle of the village where the guilty are made to spend a few hours in a very uncomfortable position.
The court also seemed to be the usual place for merrymaking and celebration, though any place, anytime and any excuse for a celebration was welcomed by these fun-loving people. Local beer made of corn and Burma Rum from across the borders are the beverages commonly served at such a time and the villagers sing haunting folk songs, the words of which always seemed to fit that moment in time. Another popular entertainment was the Chinese songs and dances which had been learnt by some of their elders who had been in China for training during the early years of the Naga freedom struggle. The sight of the early leaders contented in a life of anonymity, the beliefs they once bleed for tucked away into memories, seemed symbolic in the undisturbed quietness of those hills. In the modern sense of civilization, Moya village lacked most of the facilities that make up a cultured society. The 6-bedded, Primary Health Centre which was inaugurated last year is an empty building with no furniture, medicines or staff; there is no landline telephone connection or mobile network; no high school for the children to pursue higher education etc; yet in everyway, Moya was an epitome of the ideal society, untouched as yet by the mad rush, unscathed until “development” seeps into these last remnants of Naga legacy.
Enigmatic scenario of Naga struggle In Focus the Morung Express
What is supposed to be is not. The clear and unambiguous political objective had been laid down by the Naga patriot under the aegis of the NNC since its inception comprising the leaders of the present NSCN (K) (IM) and FGN. The prior stand was to free Nagaland since Nagaland has never been a part of Indian in any way, at any point of time. The enlightenment of the fact that Nagas were sovereign independent, in its own capacity and were culturally, traditionally and ethnically far different from that of Indian, boost our leaders to create a common platform ushering in a new era of the freedom struggle, but what is support to be is not when NNC became two and three respectively. I should say that the deviation from the parent body is one of the most painful past of our history. In fact, realization of the impossibility to stick on the main principle when deviated, a little bid impossible to realize our goal when divided and a little bid skeptical to stand against the mighty Indians who are decorated with sophisticated weapons and unceasing flow of human resources, could have motivated the Nagas toward strong-integration by forgetting the differences, whatsoever. The whole page of India’s history portrays the fallen and risen kingdoms either because of disintegration or integration respectively. Because of the adamant step many of the precious lives have been lost at the hands of the Indians and equally at the Nagas hand. While speculating the overall stock of situation, it became less easy to imagine how many precious lives are yet to lose either at the Indians hand or at our own Naga’s hand if at all modern tradition is allowed undefended.
So far as my prudent knowledge is concerned both parties ponders upon working for Naga sovereignty, identity, self-reliance and international popularity. Who knows the world may be mocking us when more parties of the same family are vocalling the same tune but standing on an opposite edge. In order to do away the danger of mockery, the parties should form a common edge. If any solution harboured by one party is not acceptable to their counterparts or the Naga populace, what is the use of that solution? Surely from that very day itself or at least the next day of the solution, Naga country may transformed to bonfire which is but dangerous and worthless. And to speak frankly, when all the leaders, intellectuals and wealthy men are washed, will it be possible for a school going kid, or a mere labourer or a haggard man to shoulder the responsibilities of a newly sovereign nation? Broadly speaking human value is more useful than sovereignty and imagination shall definitely lost its source of income? The escalation in the rate of killing evince that Nagas population may extinct before too long. Above all trials and tribulations, I would gladly join the nationalist movement if mean to spill my blood for my dearest Nagas but never for giving and taking the blood of my own Naga brothers. In breaking the silence to do good things is never too late. Naga Nationalists should have a very big heart in this aspect by sacrificing what is best which an easy task is in fact since you are already in the sacrificing field.
To prevent the Nagas from the reign the terror, the Nagas can ask, are you struggling for leadership? If yes, it is a blunder. National interest should prevail over self-interest, if any, because while struggling for self-interest we may forget our national interest. The ground reality is that, selfish interest is more of you, your family, your clan, you tribe etc, which is but momentary, whereas, national interest is for me and everyone which can only be draw with a colorful pen in the history of the Nagas.
If one is to fight for political freedom, what should be an alternative role? Is not political freedom bears the same meaning as freedom from economic strain, social, finance, educational, and other socially useful aspects? Where do you think our electronics factories be set up and how? Where do you want the iron and steel factories be set up and why? What are the investments or are Nagas capable enough to manage overall realities on the Nagas soil as an independent entity? I should say the present problem is not worth a problem when compared to a problem which is advancing in days to come when we remain dull and apathy.
In conclusion, if Naga political dialogue is to be represented with the blessing of the Naga populace, every detail should be made known. The dialogue for peace is mainly base on bringing about the Naga solution whatsoever. Therefore Nagas should be consulted before taking any steps. The dialogue should be such that it flows the spirit of the Nagas as a whole so that Indians are deterred and are readily convinced. Any settlement or outcome of any undertakings should not deny any section or tribes in the nation’s mainstream. The status of a tribe should not be demolished in any way. Politics is dirty when it aims at distorting the facts so as to further one’s selfish interest and prejudice the other or to gain support to a particular tribe/tribes. Lastly but not the least I wish the national functionaries, apex Naga organizations and well-wishers all the best in their endeavor in bringing an amicable solution fitted to all sections of Naga society.

L. Chuba Yimchungrü
Kohima, Nagaland
Oil cartel eyes Nagaland; factional strife in guerilla struggle Submitted by Bill Weinberg World War 4 report
Canada's Canoro Resources has signed an agreement with India's parastatal Oil & Natural Gas Corp. (ONGC) to explore for crude in the jungles of Nagaland, a state in the country's remote northeast, where large swaths of territory have been controlled by separatist guerillas for decades. Nagaland Industry and Commerce Minister Khekhiho Zhimomi said the predominantly Christian state of two million has the potential to yield some 600 million tons of crude. "Nagaland is literally sitting on a multi-million dollar oil reserve," the minister said. Exploration work undertaken by ONGC in 1994 was suspended following threats from the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM). This time Zhimomi says things will be different: "We have the full support of the local people this time while executing the agreement with the ONGC. We hope there should be no problems now."
Canoro is now a partner at the Kharshing oilfield in Arunachal Pradesh, and has long sought to expand operations into Nagaland. "Despite being geographically located in one of the most prospective areas, there has been virtually no exploration activity in Nagaland for over 12 years and limited activity prior to that," a Canoro statement said. Zhimomi pledges oil exploitation will bring economic strides for Nagaland. "There is no point in not letting the resources be tapped," he said. "By striking oil, we would not only be earning revenue, but at the same time such ventures would ease the spiralling unemployment problem in the state."
Nagaland is also rich in coal, limestone, nickel, cobalt, chromium, magnetite, copper, zinc, platinum, marble and granite. The government recently adopted the "minor minerals policy" to make exploration work possible in the region. (Indo-Asian News Service, April 11) The deal comes against the backdrop of renewed peace talks beween the government and the NSCN-IM—and fresh clashes between rival Naga guerilla factions. Clashes in March between the NSCN-IM and the rival NSCN-Khaplang faction left several fighters dead. (Press Trust of India, March 26) Last year, the NSCN-IM expressed skepticism about proposals for renewed talks. "India is trying to test our patience by prolonging the peace process," RH Raising, a senior NSCN-IM leader, told Reuters. "Such attitude of the Indian government will put at risk all peace initiatives in the region."
The talks were largely stuck over NSCM-IM demands to integrate all Naga-majority areas into a single state with broad autonomy powers. "We are sincere and committed in our efforts to find a peaceful settlement to the Indo-Naga problem, whereas India is committed to peace talks only in letter and not in spirit," Raising said. If the "casual attitude" of New Delhi officials continued, peace talks would prove futile, he warned. More than 20,000 were killed in the conflict before the guerillas and the government agreed to a truce in 1997. The ceasefire has held, but the two sides have failed to find a political settlement to the rebellion that began in 1947. New Delhi considers peace with the Nagas crucial to a broader peace in the northeast—seven states connected to the rest of India by a thin strip of land and home to dozens of insurgent groups. (Reuters, Oct. 23)
‘Human Approach’ Editorial the Morung Express
The Nagaland People’s Front (NPF) while reaffirming its support to the ongoing peace process has come out with some interesting pointers on the prevailing political situation. No one will disagree on the statement coming from the party that the unabated factional clash taking place in the State is ‘un-nationalistic’. And everyone will agree that unless there is an immediate stop to such killings, the emerging situation will only awaken more feelings of anger and reprisal. Moreover, fratricidal killing is clearly something that the peace loving Naga people do not deserve. The desire of the Naga people for complete cessation of all hostilities is a clear mandate, which the different Naga political groups will have to honor sooner or later.
But till then, there is also going to be the serious dilemma when two groups from the same family engage in bitter feud. And it is this Catch-22 situation, which the present State government is confronted with every time there is a factional clash. Because of this, there is also so much hue and cry amongst the political parties on whether the situation arising out of this is a ‘political’ or a problem of ‘law and order’. The ineffectiveness of the ceasefire ground rules signed by the NSCNs with the Government of India also adds to the confusion.
One of the flaws in the current ground rules is that it remains a limited agreement without taking into consideration the political side of the Naga underground situation. While it is clearly stated that movement of armed cadres should be strictly restricted to the respected designated camps, this clause has become a mockery against the backdrop of the turf wars between the hostile Naga groups. There is therefore a clear case for a thorough review of the ceasefire ground rules, which the Government of India if it is sincere on peace, should not ignore. The recent visit of senior Home Ministry officials to Nagaland and their meeting with the NSCN groups will hopefully bear fruit on this front because even here the stand of the Naga public is clear, which is to keep armed cadres out of civilian populated areas.
Coming back to the State, NPF President Dr Shurhozelie Liezietsu, while making his presidential address on the occasion of inaugurating the party’s central office building, commented that the Naga problem is basically political and a human problem which can be solved only through political and human approach. In terms of a clear cut policy while dealing with the spate of factional clashes, taking a ‘human approach’ cannot be merely derided. This is something that emerged last year during the height of the factional clashes in Zunheboto. Whether it was a well thought out policy not to intervene in order to avoid more aggravation of the situation or whether it was pure failure of the government, at least the positive that has come out of this unpleasant experience is the advantage of following a non interventionist approach.
However for the government machinery, this ‘human approach’ to handling factional clashes should not be a substitute towards performing its basic duty of protecting the lives and property of the public, which will continue to demand proper attention of law enforcing agencies. The government should fully explore the vast options available for intervening in a non-confrontationist manner. For this, the active participation of tribal hohos and other public mandated groups will remain fundamentally important if at all the present DAN government’s ‘human approach’ in dealing with factional clashes is to remain both acceptable to the Naga public and also successful towards its stated objective of peace and understanding.
Indian border states on alert to thwart avian flu Subhaschandra M
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com )
April 14, 2007 – An outbreak of bird flu in Burma and Bangladesh has prompted India's Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare to direct its northeast border states to monitor their areas bordering the two neighbouring countries. Trans-border movement of livestock has been banned.
The Health Ministry directive has been conveyed through the respective veterinary and animal husbandry departments of the states of Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya, government officials in Manipur said on Friday. "The higher ups in the military, security forces and other concerned departments have been asked to monitor illegal trans-border movement of livestock including, poultry, its products, and pigs from Myanmar into the state" says Th Dorendro, Director, Manipur Veterinary and Animal Husbandry department. Other government departments like Home, Health, Forest and Wildlife, District Rural Development Agency (DRDA) and Finance have been asked to take active roles in executing the necessary preparatory tasks as precautionary measures to contain the disease.
Manipur Chief Secretary Jarnail Singh had even issued an office memorandum to form a monitoring committee on April 12 where it directed the Finance Department to arrange funds required to control and contain avian influenza in Manipur. Similarly the State Veterinary Department in Nagaland is undertaking an action plan to prevent and control the disease. The virus is sweeping Bangladesh and Burma. The department has solicited people's cooperation in conducting sero-surveillance work and other necessary steps to fight the disease in the event of an outbreak in Nagaland. Authorities have started awareness campaigns at regular intervals by distributing information leaflets and making announcements in the local media. Attention is being given to districts bordering Burma.
"Villagers are advised not to import poultry and pigs from Myanmar as a precautionary measure," a government official said over telephone from Kohima. However in the case of Meghalaya, Deputy Commissioners' of districts along the border have been instructed to be more vigilant and the Indian Border Security Force has been asked to assist district administrations in preventing smuggling of chicken and poultry products into the state. According to A Kabir, Deputy Director (Administration), Meghalaya State Health Services, was in constant touch with the national institute of communicable diseases as well as the Union Health Ministry.
"So far no case of the disease has been detected in our region as all the tests results are negative," Dorendra said. A total of 1,472 Avian Sero samples including migratory birds collected in the past couple of months from across the state tested negative in Manipur. The situation, as of now, does not warrant panic, nonetheless, a ban on import of livestock especially chicken and eggs from Burma through the border town of Moreh has been put in place as a preventive measure against bird flu, Dr Rajendra, a veterinary expert said.
Earlier these samples were sent to an outstation laboratory like High Security Risk Animal Disease Laboratory in Bhopal for necessary tests, but now the doctors are going regularly with the samples by air for immediate test results. Meanwhile, Meghalaya is on alert in Khasi and Jaintia hills bordering Bangladesh following advice and communication from the Union Health Ministry, New Delhi and Indian High Commission in, Dhaka.
India expands ties with Myanmar The Peninsula Qatar Source ::: IANS
new delhi • India is steadily deepening economic and strategic relations with Myanmar, convinced that this is the best approach to engage with a military regime despised by the West.
Despite intense American pressures to change tracks, India is pressing ahead with work aimed at building or developing roads in Myanmar, besides setting up a hydroelectric station and a communication and IT project. Keeping in mind the Indian insurgents who use Myanmar’s long and rugged border with India as a sanctuary and the influence of China on the military junta, New Delhi feels only economic links will finally help that country and its people.
Indian officials are also convinced that the military rulers only entrench themselves more and more every time the US and other Western powers put pressure on the junta in the UN and other world bodies. The most ambitious of New Delhi’s ventures is a link between ports on India’s east and Sittwe Port in Myanmar that would further connect Mizoram through river transport and road. This is the $100m Kaladan Multi-Modal Transport Project. It is expected to provide an alternate route for transport of goods to northeast India.
The other project is upgrading the 160km long Tamu-Kalewa-Kalemyo Road in Myanmar across Manipur. The Border Roads Organisation completed this in 1997. India decided in 2006 that the road needed to be resurfaced and repaired. India is also building more roads in Myanmar, which is woefully poor in infrastructure and communication, and a highway from Moreh in Manipur to Mae Sot in Thailand through Bagan in Myanmar.
Besides, New Delhi is setting up an IT Park a Mandalay in Myanmar and two e-Learning centres in Yangoon and Mandalay. It is also conducting an e-governance project to train Myanmar government officials. A hydroelectric project is coming up with India’s support on river Chindwin in Myanmar’s northwest, parallel to Nagaland and Manipur. All this is to the intense dislike of the US, which in 2003 enacted a Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act to apply sanctions against the military rulers in its quest for democracy there.
Backing the US are other Western nations, including the European Union. American officials argue that India, as the world’s largest democracy, ought to put pressure on the Myanmar administration, not give it oxygen. Indian officials say while they too would want Myanmar to be a democracy, they don’t share the American assessment that isolating the military junta is the way to go about it. On the contrary, each time the US mounts stifling pressure on Myanmar in the UN, China comes to Yangoon’s rescue and ends up tightening its embrace of the regime — something that goes against Washington’s interests.
Sharing India’s broad perspective about Myanmar is Asean, which had included Yangoon as a member despite some opposition from within the grouping. Of course, Beijing actively courts Myanmar. India shares a nearly 1,700km long land border with Myanmar. Four of its states — Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh — border that country.
Jharkhand seeks higher royalty for coal, iron ore From correspondents in Jharkhand, India,
Jharkhand has sought a 20 percent share in the centre's profits from coal and iron ore, saying delays in the revision of royalty on minerals mined from the state were causing it a loss of Rs.35 billion annually. The demand was put forth at a two-day meeting of the Inter State Council of Mineral Resources (ISCMR), which began Thursday at the Indian Institute of Coal Management (IICM), Ranchi. The meet is being attended by the chief secretaries of 14 states, which include Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat, Goa, Nagaland and Orissa. Jharkhand Chief secretary A.K. Chug demanded a 20 percent royalty on profits made from coal and iron ore mined from the state. Jharkhand officials believe if this demand is accepted by the central government, the state will earn an additional Rs.35 billion per annum. At present, Jharkhand gets Rs.11 billion as royalty. Chhattisgarh representatives supported Jharkhand's view. The representatives of different states are discussing royalties paid on different minerals by the central government. The delegates also talked about the low rates paid on iron ore despite a boom in the steel industry.
Government to government: The distasteful Burma-India embrace
There are reasons why New Delhi has changed its tune with regard to Burma, but this makeshift relationship is full of problems. by | SOE MYINT MIZZIMA
The Indian position towards Burma is characterised by a paradox. Across the political spectrum, civil society and media, there is support for the Burmese democratic movement. People sympathise with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who lived and studied there when her mother was the first Burmese ambassador to New Delhi in the 1960s. But in the past decade or so, the position of the Indian government has not reflected this support. Successive governments after 1994 have engaged with the generals, who continue to ruthlessly suppress Burmese democratic aspirations.
India and Burma have had close ties through history, from traditional cultural connections to intimate political relations in the modern era, going back to the struggle for independence from British colonial rule. India was the first nation to extend active support to Burma’s pro-democracy movement. New Delhi also condemned the regime in Rangoon for refusing to hand over power to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) following the party’s victory in the 1990 general elections. In 1995, the Indian government honoured Suu Kyi with the prestigious Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding. Burmese refugees and activists have been allowed to stay in India, though the Indian government does not extend them any material or financial support.
Things changed dramatically in the second half of the 1990s, as the Indian government began to avoid making critical and controversial remarks on developments in Burma. Although individual parlia-mentarians and political parties continue to reiterate their commitment to the pro-democracy movement, state policy has taken an altogether different direction.
Since 1998, India has extended more than USD 100 million in credit to the Burmese regime, including for upgrading the Rangoon-Mandalay railway line. In addition, it has contributed USD 27 million to the building of the 160-kilometre Tamu-Kalewa highway in Burma’s Sagaing Division. India has also emerged as Burma’s second largest market after Thailand, absorbing 25 percent of the country’s total exports, and hopes to double bilateral trade to a billion US dollars per annum in the next few years. India is also providing training to Burmese armed forces personnel and helping build border infrastructure. As a part of its energy strategy, it also plans to buy natural gas from Burma’s reserves. This would benefit the military regime millions of dollars annually. The Indian government rolled out a red-carpet welcome to Senior General Than Shwe when he visited India in October 2004. Top Indian dignitaries, including the president, vice president and military generals, have made state visits to Rangoon in recent years.
Realism… This engagement with the military junta stems from a multiplicity of factors. Modern-day Burma happens to pose a strategic challenge on India’s eastern flank and at its maritime frontiers. Beijing’s increasing influence in Burma and what can be called the Indo-Burmese region has India worried. By building ties with the junta, New Delhi can limit China’s presence in the Indian Ocean and prevent Rangoon from becoming a Chinese toehold in that area. More importantly, China’s past support to various insurgency groups in India’s Northeast, and the fact that Burma serves as a base for many of these insurgents, has also forced the Indian government to befriend the military government. Burma’s inclusion in ASEAN in 1997 made it convenient for New Delhi to include the country in its official ‘Look East Policy’. Burma was increasingly seen as the launching pad by which to enter Southeast Asia and access the markets there. Moreover, Burma, as a part of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multisectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), is a vital partner for regional projects in which India is involved. There is also a strong perception that interaction with Burma can hasten economic development in those state of the Indian Northeast that share a border with the country.
It is no one’s case that India should reverse its current policy, but Prime Minister Manmohan Singh should, at the very least, make it clear to Burma’s generals that he stands firmly with the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people. The present Indian strategy can be said to have its advantages, as it provides some space for people-to-people relationships across the border. However, let us keep in mind that tourism, trade and business links tend to be restricted to the elite sections in Burma, which are invariably connected to the present ruling military establishment. For its part, the Burmese regime is mainly interested in playing the diplomacy card between China and India, and between the Western countries and Burma’s neighbours. It has thus been adroit in ensuring that the international community suffers its brutal and repressive rule. On the one hand, the military junta uses its relationships with India and China to tell its Western critics that it has the support of the world’s two most populous countries. On the other hand, it dangles the China card in front of India to gain support for its rule. A close relationship with India helps enhance the generals’ image, both inside and outside the country. Moreover, it is important for trade purposes, for the balance of trade between India and Burma is hugely in Burma’s favour. It also dilutes the regime’s dependence on China.
…or myopia It is debatable, however, whether India’s so-called strategic interests have been served after more than a decade of being cosy with the Burmese generals. Even as India maintains friendly ties with the junta, the relationship faces practical problems. Border trade between India and Burma is largely dominated by smuggling, including of drugs and arms. The border regions of the Indian Northeast adjoining Burma are plagued with political instability, drug trafficking, HIV/AIDS, arms smuggling and insurgency. It is an open secret that some Northeastern rebel groups have their bases and training camps in Burma. While it is not certain whether shelter has been provided with the consent of top military leaders in Rangoon (and now the new capital Nay Pyi Daw), there is little doubt that the local Burmese military commanders and intelligence officers are hand in glove with the insurgents. Indeed, the presence of insurgents has served as a fine bargaining chip for the generals. It helps them to build a better relationship with New Delhi as well as to demand the suppression of Burmese pro-democracy and ethnic activists residing in India, whom the regime rejects as ‘outlaws’ or ‘insurgents’. In recent years, the government of India has cracked down on the Chin National Front (CNF), which is a part of Burma’s movement for democracy, human rights and self-determination.
New Delhi has been seeking help from Rangoon to flush out Northeast insurgent groups such as the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and the United National Liberation Front (UNLF). Minister for External Affairs Pranab Mukherjee’s recent visit to Burma on 19-21 January is the latest attempt to seek such assistance. Though India continues to request cooperation from the Burmese side in counter-insurgency operations, the generals have at best been lethargic. Upon pressure from New Delhi, they attack the NSCN-K camps in Burma, but show little interest in cracking down on the other insurgent groups. In trying to work with Rangoon, Indian policy makers forget that many of the problems they face are linked to the nature of governance in Burma, which precludes a sustained and co-operative bilateral relationship. There is no space for dialogue, freedom of speech and political expression in a country where the foremost pro-democracy leader and Nobel Laureate remains under strict house arrest. It is estimated that around 1000 political prisoners, including members elected to Parliament in 1990, are detained in jails across Burma.
The India-Burma relationship is also complicated by the sizeable presence of the refugee community across the border. The constant flow of refugees from Burma into the Northeastern states of India has been a growing concern for inhabitants of the region. Fear of torture, rape, summary execution, imprisonment, forced labour and forced relocation by the Burmese army has led to a large exodus over the years. The refugee population in India is comprised of mostly the ethnic minority nationalities of Burma and is concentrated in the four Northeastern states of Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh. At present, around 1800 Burmese refugees and asylum-seekers live in New Delhi. Most of them are recognised by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as refugees. But the rehabilitation of Burmese refugees in India has been a major UNHCR failure. The UNHCR has implemented a phase-out programme, cutting the already meagre subsistence allowance on the logic that refugees should earn their own keep in India. However, the majority of Burmese in New Delhi have no access to remunerated work (see Himal November 2006: “Refugees and Agency”).
Here, the case of 36 Burmese prisoners incarcerated without trial for more than half a decade in the Andaman Islands deserves attention. The episode exposes the reality behind the India-Myanmar government-to-government embrace. The Indian government arrested and illegally detained Burmese activists for six and a half years, and it is only now that they are being put on trial in a Calcutta court (see “The victims of Operation Leech”, below). The case will reveal whether the Indian democratic system stands in solidarity with the aspirations of the Burmese people. Even while being critical of India’s Burma policy, the Burmese democracy movement must introspect about its inability to capitalise on India’s initial support and the continuing empathy of its intelligentsia and political classes. Many political leaders in India are convinced that Burma’s movement for democracy and human rights is West-centric. The movement has neither organised a strong public campaign within India nor has it been able to convince sympathetic Indians that it is independent and value-based, and needful of the support of the Indian political classes and civil society.
In the long term, India’s national and security interests would that demand Burma be a democratic, economically strong and modernised nation state. India-Burma relations must be based on the common aspirations of the peoples of both countries. They must benefit the masses, not merely a few military generals and their associates in Burma. Burma will sooner or later become a democratic nation, and once it does, it would be extremely unfortunate if the Burmese people perceived India as supportive of the ruthless dictatorship. The recent People’s Movement in Nepal is an encouraging sign for the people of Burma. India, especially its political parties, played an effective role in extending solidarity to the Nepali people. It is to be seen if India’s political class will extend this principled support to Burma in its quest for democracy.
Army chokes ULFA supply lines to Myanmar The Morung Express
GUWAHATI, APRIL 13 (AGENCIES): The United Liberation Front of Asom cadres based in Myanmar jungle are staring at a very tough time during the coming monsoon (rainy season), thanks to Indian Army that is keeping constant vigil on the two known supply lines of essentials and medicines to ULFA camps in Myanmar from Assam via Arunachal Pradesh.
According to a security source, the two supply routes are from Dibru-Saikhowa National Park in Upper Assam Assam to Myanmar via Arunachal Pradesh and the other route is from Sonari -Sapekhati in Sivasagar district Assam to Myanmar via Arunachal Pradesh. Every year, the ULFA supplies essentials and medicines to its Myanmar based camps just before on set of the monsoon during which it becomes impossible to pass through the thickly forested routes to Myanmar through the so called `ULFA haven’ amid Arunachal Pradesh hills. The medicines are very essential given that the area in Myanmar where they are based is highly prone to malaria. The ULFA usually adopts some villages in poverty-struck areas western Myanmar by providing rations and medicines to poor villagers in lieu of their help in respect of carrying loads and providing strategic inputs. However, this year the army have maintained constant vigil over the two vital supply lines to ULFA bases in Myanmar putting the outfit cadres holed up in Myanmar in a spot. The army also mounted vigil on Lohit river course in Arunachal Pradesh that is also used by the ULFA for movement of its men and materials. It may be mentioned that Thursday’s Army operation that resulted in death of 8 ULFA cadres was carried out on the bank of Lohit river. The security force believes that its strategy to disrupt the supply lines to ULFA camps in Myanmar would pay rich dividends as hit by shortage of essentials and medicines, the ULFA cadres will not be left with much options but to surrender to escape the onslaught of monsoon inside thick hostile jungles. It is feared that the ULFA would mount its attacks in urban areas of Assam including the state’s capital city here to divert attention of the Army. However, the Army is no longer interested in altering its strategy and focus on its operations in urban areas which can well be taken care of by police and paramilitary forces. To distract the Army from the focus of the ‘ULFA haven’, the banned outfit has been almost regularly triggering blasts in urban and semi-urban areas in the state. The militant group enginnered an explosion at Rupaisiding under Doomdooma police station of Tinsukia district of Thursday night injuring at least seven persons.
Fear and panic gripped non-tribal migrant workers in N-E The Morung Express
Guwahati, India, April 13 (Agencies): Fear and panic has gripped non-tribal migrant workers in India’s northeastern state of Meghalaya after an influential tribal body served quit notices asking them to vacate the state by the month end or face action. “We are passing sleepless nights and feeling greatly unsecured after the threat. Like me, many people working here are in a quandary,” Harsha Gurung, a middle-aged Nepali-speaking daily wage earner, said. Gurung, originally hailing from Nepal, has been working in coalmines in Meghalaya since the past 12 years. The Federation of Khasi, Jaintia and Garo Peoples (FKJGP), a group that claims to fight for the rights of the indigenous tribal people of Meghalaya, have set May 1 as the deadline for Hindi, Nepali, and Bengali speaking migrant workers to leave the state. “We are not going to spell out what course of action we would take once the deadline expires. But something is going to happen and we shall throw them out,” Emlang Lytan, president of the Federation, warned. There are an estimated 12,000 migrant workers, most of them working in the many coalfields in Meghalaya, bordering Bangladesh.
“These migrant workers are a bunch of criminals who have been indulging in lootings, murders, and even raping our tribal women,” Lytan said. A number of other tribal organizations and individuals have backed the Federation’s demand to free the state of migrant workers. “The migrant workers are cutting into local jobs and unless we take stern measures now, things would go out of hand,” L. Lyngdoh, a tribal community elder, said. The local government have appealed for restraint and assured the migrant workers not to panic.
“We are committed to providing adequate security in the coal belt so that the workers are safe,” a senior police official said requesting not to be named. In the adjoining state of Assam, the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) in January killed about 60 Hindi-speaking migrant workers. There is growing fear that the indigenous population would soon be overwhelmed with unabated influx of non-tribal people to the state.Meghalaya is a predominantly Christian state of 2.3 million people. The Khasis, the largest tribe in the state, accounts for about 8,79,000 The Jaintias and the Khasis put together make about 1 million. In November, the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC), a constitutional body to protect and preserve traditional customary laws and culture, announced cash rewards to tribal mothers to bear more babies aimed at doubling its population to two million. “There is a great fear that the Khasi and the Jaintia tribes could get wiped out if we do not encourage bigger families from now onwards and hence a systematic campaign launched by us”, H.S. Shylla, the Council’s chief, said.