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03/23/2007: "'Limited adjustment' of Assembly constituencies: Rio Kuknalim.com The Telegraph"

'Limited adjustment' of Assembly constituencies: Rio Kuknalim.com The Telegraph

KOHIMA, The Nagaland government said today that there would be “limited adjustment” of Assembly constituencies in the state. Chief minister Neiphiu Rio said in the Assembly that the alternative proposals being unanimously worked out in consultation with political parties, tribal Hohos and civil society are marginal readjustments confined to each district.

The Delimitation Commission of India has fixed March 27 for completing the exercise.

Rio said in this whole exercise, the state government has been successful in stalling largescale delimitation with active support of the Opposition Congress and the ruling parties, tribal Hohos and NGOs.

“A limited readjustment to satisfy the basic parameters of law is, however, unavoidable. I appeal to all sections of people to understand this stark reality. Public leaders must also restrain themselves in public interest from accusing each other,” said Rio. Several tribal Hohos and NGOs have announced agitation programmes across the state should the alterations takeplace in the constituencies. Rio appealed to the Hohos and other organisations to resolve the issue amicably.

The state government also convened a meeting of deputy commissioners yesterday to take stock of the situation.
A discussion will be held on April 2 with the associate members of the commission. (Telegraph)
Unanimity in peace conclave A STAFF REPORTER The Telegraph
Guwahati, March 22: From a militant group in ceasefire to political parties eager to be heard, everybody who had a say in the first open brainstorming session on the Ulfa-Delhi peace process today blamed conditions imposed by both sides for the impasse. “Unconditional dialogue is the way to go,” Dima Halam Daogah chief Dilip Nunisa said, echoing most of the speakers at the convention. Organised by the People’s Committee for Peace Initiatives in Assam, the two-day session is meant to throw up ideas and chart the route to resumption of the peace process.
While leaders of political parties said neither side should impose any condition for coming to the negotiating table, some did see merit in Ulfa’s condition that its jailed executive members be freed first and “sovereignty” included in the agenda.
AGP president Brindaban Goswami and his AGP (Pragatisheel) counterpart Prafulla Kumar Mahanta spoke in one voice on the need for a “federal structure” for development and peace in the state. Mahanta went on to say that there was duality in Delhi’s policy on talks with Ulfa.
“Recently, when a 12-party delegation met the home minister to press for resumption of talks, he insisted that Ulfa should first give a letter expressing its willingness for talks. But when we raised the same issue with the Prime Minister, he told us that no such letter was required, provided Ulfa was willing to hold talks,” Mahanta said. Goswami was restrained in his views, appealing to both the government and the Ulfa leadership to suspend hostilities and create an atmosphere conducive to peace talks. The other political leaders who participated in the discussion included Nationalist Congress Party president D.N. Adhikari, Janata Dal (Secular) leader Harendranath Deva Goswami, Purbanchaliya Loka Parishad leader Prabindra Deka and and CPI veteran Bhogeswar Dutta. The conclave coincided with a fast-unto-death by the wives of some Ulfa leaders who went missing after the flushout operation in Bhutan in December 2003.
Apart from information about the whereabouts of their husbands, the women are demanding resumption of talks and the release of five jailed Ulfa leaders. Ulfa today said the hungerstrike had added a new dimension to its “struggle”. Sources in the chief minister’s office did not react either to the fast-unto-death or the start of the convention.
When corruption becomes extortion Nagarealm.com
Kohima, MAR21 [NPN] Truth is stranger than fiction and so it is in Nagaland where contractors and suppliers have been so sinned against than sinning.
Call it plain daylight robbery or simply sophisticated extortion, contractors and suppliers in Nagaland are bedeviled as they find themselves in a tight spot. Corruption has reached its nadir and become legalized extortion.

Contractors and suppliers in Nagaland must be prepared to part with half of the amount of their bills taken in advance by Minister and Parliamentary Secretaries, taxes to various underground groups besides greasing the palm of the state bureaucrats and office staff. According to a prominent first class contractor of the state speaking on condition of anonymity, a contractor or supplier ends up parting with nearly 45 % of the fund and leaving barely 55% to execute the works. Among the expenditures includes 10 to 15 percent for a Minister and equal amount for a parliamentary secretary making it a total of nearly 30%. In some departments, it is reported that the asking rate is as much as 20% each. Again 5% has to be paid to each of the two main factions of the NSCN and in some cases, even to the NNC/FGN. Some departments slice off another 5% as departmental charges and one to two percent to the entire chain of office staff.

The remaining 55% is left to execute the works and here contractors and suppliers have to make do. A truck carrying building or other materials to Kohima from Dimapur would have to part with nearly Rs.500 along the way.

Manipur and Naga Peace Process By: C. Doungel
Wherever we move around in Manipur, we see people helpless or angry in an anarchic world. Not only, lack of respect for authority or rule of law is writ large but open contempt and disgusts are visible. Whether the oft repeated blame on the government and other authorities of following ‘divide and rule’ policy should now be replaced more appropriately by ‘confuse and rule’ is the considered view of many.

The opposite pulls of Naga integration and Manipur territorial integrity has polarised into contradictory ideological stands. Thrown into this is a degree of inevitable linguistic domination and cultural invasion by majority community which however are hyped into alarming righteous indignation of imposition. Undoubtedly, co-existence and harmonious relationship between communities are the casualties caused by emergence of limitless ethnic politics going into new dimensions. And the main players in the fields are hydra-headed organisations mostly represented by so called freedom fighters or revolutionaries championing and protecting their fellow ethnic groups, who stalk the countryside and exercise hold over the people through fear.

Many are likely to consider that it is worthwhile giving a chance to “so called” peace process by acceding to Naga integration as this demand had been there since 1960. In other words, there is a chance to solve more than half a century problem constitutionally. In fact, the cease-fire between GoI and Federal Govt of Nagaland in 1964 which was extended to Tamenglong sub-division, Ukhrul sub-division (now districts) and Mao area (Senapati segment of Senapati district) would indicate that this is the logical conclusion. This however would have been the right course if the assumed indicators had remained the same. But so much water had flowed down the Imphal and other rivers in Assam and Arunachal bringing sea-change to those indicators.

For, insurgent groups like ULFA/UNLF/PREPAK/KNA/KNF sprang up as fall-out of Naga movement and are aimed at protecting their domains as also thereat to the territorial integrity of Assam and Manipur. Likewise, unless there is reconciliation with Federal Govt of Nagaland (FGN) and (NSCN-K), no further head-way seems possible.

Any political solution needs acceptance by the parties concerned but this is not likely to come forth yet. One cannot help musing whether the inhuman quit notice against Tangkhuls is being indirectly used as a means to negate the peace process. A healing touch therefore to bring unity and harness all efforts towards the common cause within and create a well of goodwill without are required for achieving this. Reconciliation is essential to take next step. Of the diametrically opposed ideologies on Naga integration and maintaining territorial integrity of Manipur, the later case seems to be bolstered by adoption in U.P.A. mimimum programme that there will be no alteration in the boundaries of small North Eastern States. This firm resolve appear to have safeguarded Manipur territorial integrity mor effectively than the regional parties shouting at housetop that they are the ones doing this. In fact, earlier Shree. Vajpai, then Prime Minister of India also stated in his speech at Kohima in 2001 that such alteration requires the consensus of all parties and concerned states. This is not however to say that the status-quo will remain for all time to come but such stonewalling can be broken only by a far stronger force.

That Manipur has survived for more than 2000 years is a historical fact in support of it. The absence of any evidence that there was a common Naga polity in the past is another weak base. Further, Lack of any homogeneity is added disadvantage because unifying force of people speaking same language and having common culture is much stronger.

Plethora of insurgents groups countering NSCN (IM) or supporting, are disturbing peace and hampering development. Loss of dedication in many of their cadres had now reduced them into hordes of extortionists who are free to commit any heinous crime with impunity. Factional fights and group fights are the order of the day. These are in clear violation of ground rules in respect of those who entered into ceasefire with army or G.O.I. but Indian Army rarely interferes. Many politicians also wash their hands off by saying that this should be treated as national problem. There are others who say that these are not law and order problem, forgetting the fact that many places have turned into battle fields and the rule of law is not allowed to prevail. Virtual legitimisation of such violence has cost us very dear.

One irony is the stand taken by Indian Army including Assam Rifles, emphasising the political nature of the problem that ultimate solution will have to be thrashed out through negotiation. Perhaps this is prompted by the desire to be careful not to provoke violent reactions from people with wounded feelings, the army having gone through bad experience of protests against abuse of human rights. But where will such evasive behaviour and side tracking lead us to? The Army is performing their duties very well regarding prevention of timber/ganja smuggling etc. and other static duties. Also one cannot believe for a moment that Indian Army including Assam Rifles who have the highest record of bravery and valour is unable to cope with the task of controlling the situation. But, where is the hitch? Cannot they ask for clear direction instead of trying to manage the situation. Because managing insurgents without controlling will make bringing them to the negotiating table much more difficult.

In view of developments which had taken place over the recent years, it may no longer be possible to view the peace process in isolation. It will be in the fitness of things to bring the aforesaid insurgent groups to the negotiating table and then ultimately thrash out the problem in a package. Otherwise problems created by the fall out could be equally serious. There will be more wisdom in following this course.

KNO cautions Kuki leaders S Singlianmang Guite Sangai Express
Lamka, Mar 22: Kuki National Organisation, the political wing of the KNA has urged all Kuki Inpi leaders to take appropriate caution against further assassination that could be carried by KRA- ‘the loyal stooge of NSCN (IM).’
Decrying the murder of Jamthang Haokip, chairman of Kuki Inpi Saikul in a statement claimed that the allegations levelled against Jamthang were fabrication ands self-evidently contradictory.
If Jamthang Haokip was a defaulter as claimed by the KRA, ‘It beggars belief that KRA should entrust a defaulter (him) with such a huge amount of money!’ wrote the release.
In the case of Lenkho-hao and Chungthang, KNO said that they were true sons and patriots of Kuki nationalism as they had opted for the KNO rather than the KRA, and alleged that the KRA was linked with NSCN (IM) and have taken ‘blood money’ from the same.
The unholy nexus between KRA and NSCN (IM) was also operative in the defeat of Chungkhokai Doungel from Saikul AC, it further alleged.
A separate statement of the KNO said that the news items on KNF (P) was astonishing which reveals their utter ignorance or total disregard of the Kuki people’s history. ‘F (KNF-P) would be well advised to wel come KNO’s efforts and join them in realising the objectives that will benefit the Kuki people, rather than act as a stumbling block. This will entail the blessings of the almighty and the Kuki people’s,’ it adds.

Kuki bodies call 12-hour Manipur bandh today From Our Correspondent Assam Tribune
IMPHAL, March 22 – Three Kuki civil bodies have imposed a 12-hour Statewide bandh effective from 6 am of March 23 over the plight of 400 kidnapped villagers of TS Laijang village and the landmine victims in Khengjoi area in Chandel district.

The bandh will be relaxed for students, personal and official vehicles related with duties in the ongoing HSSLC and HSLC examinations. The bandh was called to coincide with a mega rally to be carried out by various organizations in New Delhi showing solidarity to the cause of the tribals in the State against the kidnapping or forced deportation of indigenous people from their own land, a statement of the Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO) said.

The decision to call a statewide bandh was taken in a joint meeting of the KSO, Kuki Movement for Human Rights, KUMHUR and the Kuki Chiefs’ Association, Chandel district on March 19. The rally at New Delhi is to be organized jointly by the KSO, Delhi, and other bodies.

The three bodies are demanding that the government sanitize the mine fields, clear out mines planted along the forest tracks, village roads, doorways in some villages. The Government of India and the State Government have been also urged to look into the social and economic well being of the affected people as they could not cultivate their lands since the last two years because of the landmines. They also urged the underground organizations to stop terrorising the villagers through “coercion and brute force” and respect the status-quo of existing territorial integrity of the three major tribes in the State.

ULFA refutes allegations of 'ISI links' K Anurag in Guwahati Rediff News
The banned United Liberation Front of Asom Friday refuted allegations by the Indian Army about the insurgent group hatching a sinister design to carry out serial blasts in the state in coordination with Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence.
The military spokesman of the insurgent group, self-styled major Raju Baruah in an e-mailed statement issued to media termed as 'baseless and figment of imagination' the media reports that quoted an Indian Army official as saying that ULFA was conspiring with the Pakistani ISI to detonate 20 bombs
According to the media report, the Indian Army colonel disclosed this in a meeting of businessmen held at Sonari in Upper Assam's oil and hydro-carbon rich Sivasagar district.
Refuting the allegation, the ULFA stated that the militant group which had already lost over 10,000 of its cadres in the armed struggle for 'restoration of sovereignty of Assam' would not require the help of the ISI to continue its struggle against `Indian occupation forces'.
The ULFA spokesman termed the allegation part of conspiracy by the army to carry out subversion in the state and blame it on ULFA. The insurgent group warned the people of Assam to remain alert against such designs.
The ULFA stated that it was still strong enough to carry on with its struggle on its own.
However, police and security forces operating in Assam firmly believe that there was a close link between the ULFA and the ISI, that hopes to keep India's North East boiling.
The security agencies maintain that many senior ULFA leaders including its fugitive commander in chief Paresh Barua, who is suspected to be taking shelter in Bangladesh, had visited Pakistan for training with the help of the ISI.
It is for the first time that the banned ULFA has denied having any links with the ISI. It may be mentioned that Assam police had arrested four ISI agents in Guwahati in 1999. The police suspect that many ISI operatives and Islamic ultras sponsored by the ISI had infiltrated the state through the porous international borders in western and southern sectors of Assam.

Poumai cultural fair from Mar 24 John Basho Pou

Senapati, Mar 22: The preparation for the grand cultural fair of Poumai tribe which will be organized from 24 to 26 March at Senapati district headquarter is in full swing. The fair will provide a platform where each village will display and sell their indigenous products to visitors, and thereby display their cultural uniqueness and value, and promote the cultural heritage to outside world.

The cultural items will be on display by about 40 villages of Poumai tribe demonstrating and showcasing various traditional rare items of handloom, traditional food cuisines, handicrafts, folkdances and folksongs, indigenous games and sports, etc. various cultural items found in a village represented by the participants will also be demonstrated.

One can, for instance, taste the typical Pou Tai (Poumai indigenous salt) and other yummy food cuisines, jive to the rhythm of traditional music and dances, own a colourful traditional shawl made by the virtual hands of forefathers, sacred earthen pots etc. Each Poumai village has been assigned a cultural show according to their speicalisation and familiarization of the trade and items. The colourful show will be participated by various state dignitaries, high level officers and outstation visitors to witness and taste the uniqueness of Poumai Naga cultural heritage.

The organizers have asked respective village authority councils to take responsibility for the transportation, accommodation, food, and exhibition materials. They have also been asked to bring seven units in each item and bring a minimum of 50 finished goods for exhibition and sale.
Huge cache of arms seized Nagaland Post
Shillong, March 21 (PTI): Assam Rifles (AR) personnel seized a huge cache of arms and arrested one militant of the Dimasa Halam Doagah (DHD) from Silchar-Haflong road in neighbouring Assam, AR sources said here today.
Acting on a tip-off, a joint team of 45 Assam Rifles and the police set up mobile vehicle checkposts on the highway (NH54E) last night. When a rushing vehicle was asked to stop for routine check, the driver, a DHD militant, tried to flee by knocking down the security personnel.
Though he was stopped, the militant tried to use a loaded pistol in a bid to escape. He was, however, overpowered, the sources said.
A huge cache of arms was found concealed under a load of vegetables in the vehicle and were seized. The cache included one AK-47 rifle, a US-made M-16 rifle, four Chinese rifles with bayonets, two bolt action rifles and one Chinese made automatic pistol along with live ammunition for all weapons. Cash totalling Rs 3450 was also found and seized along with the vehicle, the sources said. The militant was arrested for gross violation of the ceasefire ground rules and handed over to the police at Haflong. The weapons were sent for forensic tests.Describing the seizure as a major breakthrough, the sources said the DHD militant was possibly attempting to defect with arms to a rival faction.

State official urges for lifting RAP Manipur Information Centre Sangai Express
NEW DELHI, Mar 22 : manipur Tourism Director BB Sharma has strongly advocated lifting of Restricted Areas Permit (RAP) being imposed in the North Eastern States pointing out that barrier posed to foreign tourists is outdated and needs thorough revision to promote tourism industry in the region.
The Director made his assertion while deliberating on development of tourism in Manipur in the review meeting of Tourism Sector Programmes in NE Region which was held on March 19 in the Doner Ministry’s Committee Room at Vigyan Bhavan here.
The meeting was held with Doner Secretary Mrs Sushma Singh in the chair and was attended by senior officials from each of the NE States, and joint Secretary (NE) and Joint Secretary (Foreigners) from the Ministry of Home Affairs.
The meeting focused on tourism sector programmes in North eastern Region under the North Eastern Council and issued related to RAP/PAP/ILP.
BB Sharma stated that imposition of RAP in Manipur had become a big obstacle in the inflow of foreign tourists who desire to foray into the eastern corner of the country.
“Such restriction was imposed during the british regime and has become outdated in the present day globalization era. We have to change this old mindset,” he maintained.
Describing manipur as a paradise for tourists, BB sharma highlighted to the gathering of the State’s tremendous potential as a centre of eco-cultural tourism and bright prospect for promoting adventure sports activities. Historical significance of Imphal city was also highlighted in the meeting with particular references to being the place of origin of polo and war memorial sites scattered in the capital area. The Director also called on the Advisor (Tourism) of Planning Commission BN Puri at Yojana Bhavan later in the afternoon and apprised the Central Government official on necessity to provide more funds for development of tourism in Manipur.
He further met senior officials of Delhi Haat at Aurobindo Marg in connection with the extension of another term of Manipur food stall opened there. To discuss on development of tourism and hospitality sector in the NE region minutely, the DONER Ministry and the NEC will hold sector-wise special NEC meeting on ‘tourism and hospitality’ on March 27-28 at Gangtok, Sikkim.
History and Cultural Relations World Culture Ecyclopedia.
While folk traditions regarding the history of the various Naga tribes abound, scholarly consensus has not been reached concerning their origin. Generally speaking, very littie is known of the origin of any of the Mongoloid groups whose southwesterly migration brought them ultimately to the sub-Himalayan region and northeastern India (e.g., the Bondos and the Garos). Their presence is attested in these areas as early as the tenth century B.C. What is known is that these tribes spoke Tibeto-Burman dialects and that it is probable that their original homeland was in the region between the Huang-Ho and Yangtze (Ch'ang) rivers in northwestern China. These peoples came in successive migratory waves for several centuries (after the invasions of the Aryans in western India). The geographic extent of these migrations was quite considerable; Aryan-Mongoloid contact took place in the centuries that followed. The Mongoloid tribes were not homogeneous. Their languages, social structures, and cultures were diverse, and in the early centuries of the Common Era they began extensive expansion, from their initial settlements in the Irawadi and Chindwin river regions in northern Myanmar (Burma), throughout Assam, the Cachar Hills, and the Naga Hills. From the thirteenth century onward, the Ahoms—rulers of Assam from 1228 until the British annexation of the province in 1826—had extensive cultural contact with various Naga tribes. The nature of the relationship Between these tribes and the Ahoms ranged from cooperative to antagonistic. Naga tribes living near the plains paid annual tribute to Ahom rulers as a sign of allegiance, for which the Nagas were given revenue-free lands and fisheries. These were granted with the understanding that the Naga would refrain from raids in the plains areas. Trade and commerce were also extensive, with the Nagas trading salt (a particularly Important medium of exchange), cotton, medicinal herbs, ivory, bee's wax, mats, and daos (adzes) for Assamese rice, cloth, and beads. At times, northern Ahom raiders attacked Naga villages, taking booty and demanding tribute. However, these incursions did not establish lasting Assamese rule over the Naga Hills region. The Naga retained their independence until the British annexation in the early nineteenth century. The British added Assam to the East India Company's Territories in 1820. In 1832 they attempted to annex Naga Country but met with sustained and effective guerrilla resistance from Naga groups, particularly the Angami tribe. The British responded by sending approximately ten military expeditions into Naga territory between 1835 and 1851. Guerrilla activity continued unabated and British posts were subsequently established in the Angami region. This marked an important point in the process of Nagaland annexation. A unified Angami response was mounted in 1878 with raids on British forces undertaken by villages and village clusters. The imperial response involved the burning of offending villages. Angami resistance eventually met with failure and they Eventually became an administered tribe under British rule. With the subjugation of this region, the extension of alien rule throughout Nagaland soon followed, further widening the cultural gap between the Naga and other hill peoples and the Indian inhabitants of the lowlands. British treatment of the Naga was favorable. They allowed no Indian to function as administrator of the hill districts and attempted to prevent exploitation of the hill peoples by plains folk. Christian missionary activity soon followed British annexation, with American Baptists assuming the lead. Rapid progress in conversion was made. Increased literacy and a growing sense of Naga solidarity—for which the official organ of expression was the Naga National Council (NNC)—resulted in the NNC's claim for regional independence in 1947. The departure of the British and the emergence of Indian self-rule made Naga political autonomy within a sovereign India a negotiable possibility. Total independence for the Naga homeland, However, was an impossibility. Violence erupted in Nagaland in 1955 as Indian forces tried to quell Naga secession efforts, and in 1956 the NNC declared the existence of the Federal Government of Nagaland. Conflict continued in spite of efforts to satisfy the call for Naga political freedom by the granting of statehood (a cause championed by the Naga Peoples Convention). In 1963 the efforts of this organization and the segment of the Naga populace which it represented resulted in the formation of the state of Nagaland. In spite of this action, hostilities continued. Under the sponsorship of the Baptist Church, a peace commission was formed and a cease-fire declared between the Nagaland federal government and the government of India on 24 May 1964. The cease-fire lasted until 1 September 1972 when an attempt on the life of the chief minister of Nagaland resulted in the Indian government's termination of the cease-fire and banning of the NNC. Armed resistance by the NNC continued into the 1970s and was not suppressed until the Shillong Accord was signed by representatives of the Indian government and the Nagaland federal government in November 1975. Isolated pockets of resistance persisted into the late 1970s, but effective resistance to Indian hegemony has since ceased. One very small Naga underground antigovernment operation existed in exile in Burma in the 1980s, but its influence in Nagaland at that time was minuscule.
How to save Meitei identity Sangai Express By Dr Mohendra Irengbam Contd from previous issue
Nehru prided that the Indian Army had to airlift everything from a needle to a tank to supply the jawans as if to prove the point he was missing. That he was engaged in a prolonged strategy of diplomatic foot-dragging and failed to recognize the war of dominance in Asia. And that China perceived India as a ‘weak’ target. After all, Nehru took no action when China invaded and occupied Tibet in 1951 and again did nothing in 1959 when China ruthlessly put down the uprising in Tibet. What Nehru did not realise then was that the Chinese bandhar would never get off his back. What’s more, after humbling India to her knees he continued to ride piggy-back on all the future Prime Ministers. As his stature grew bigger he began to enjoy insulting the Hindu nationalist Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
While Vajpayee was exulting over his visit to China as the first Prime Minister after Nehru and even as he was feted as a guest, the PLA made a premeditated intrusion deep into Arunachal Pradesh, captured, disarmed and tortured a group of Indian security personnel. It was just to embarrass Vajpayee. Vajpayee went to have a talk with his counterpart, Wen Jiabao on June 23.2003 in Beijing. It was to reiterate India’s stand on Tibet as China’s integral part while soliciting the Chinese to accept Sikkim as an integral part of India (merged in 1974).
Following the talk, the Chinese Foreign ministry spokesman Zhang Qiyue denied Chinese acceptance of Sikkim as part of India.
Taking cue from history we Meiteis must realise that ‘Enough is enough’ of Meitei bashing. A mere handful of Naga students will go for our jugular vein by blocking our life line arteries of National Highways 39 and 53 at any time for ridiculous frizzling grievances.
We can do nothing but watch the agonising humiliation in peckish helplessness. The Meitei nationalism has become so fossilised that whenever someone meets a Meitei the first impression is that he is not super-polite and a bit nerdy. We dissipate a lot of energy by quarrelling among ourselves and trying to pull each other down. In the mayhem non-Meiteis go to the top. The time has now come for us to levitate by joining forces between the underground and the over ground elements of Meitei society. In the emerging post-colonial neo-Nationalism of the Nagas (like the Hindutva), Meiteis have to wake up from the Rip Vanwinkle sleep as Japan once did. Japan went to war with China in 1894 with a victorious outcome. The upsurge of Japanese nationalism reached a climax. A second victory in the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 further strengthened Japanese nationalism. They were able to remove their feelings of inferiority and bring a nationalism of confidence.
Meiteis have to defeat expansionist Naga nationalism. In this war of attrition I am confident that Kukis will march with Meiteis (ichin-inou) in a joint venture. Though we have not been really gooey as strawberries in jam, for umpteen years we have been fighting along to defend our Manipur and to keep its borders intact. There had always been irregular Kuki soldiers about 700-800. When Maharaj Chandra Kirti went to Jila Durbar he was escorted by 2,000 Meitei and 1,000 Kuki soldiers among others. In 1899 the estimated population of Manipur was 220,000 with an estimated gross revenue of Rs. l0,000. It had a standing Meitei Army of 5,503 with 700 Kuki irregulars. The British regarded Kukis one cut above Nagas. “They (Kukis) are readily distinguishable from the Nagas, and are braver men.” “....They were better solders than Meiteis.” (good old Johnstone again).
Since the professional politicians seriously lack knowledge and experience of mainstream India outside and neighbouring politics of Nagas, the Meitei public should take the licence of regulated patronage from a revived Meitei nationalism.
Our strategy should be on nationalism and not on communalism. We must remember that the Hindutva while chasing “their long cherished dream” to build a Ram temple in Ayodhya (Babri Masjid- Ram Janam Bhumi dispute) caused the death of 2,000 people in communal riots in 1992.
The way to save Meitei identity: In my view it is to prepare ourselves (from Sekmai to Andro; Phayeng to Nongmaijing) emotionally but in ‘Masterly inactivity’ that there is an undercurrent of muddy water that might break up Manipur’s boundary at any time. We have to keep our heads above water by maintaining a sense of gravity, a sense of levity and a sense of propriety. Believing that the problem will just go away if we bury our head in sand would be as gullible and bad light as believing that god created mouth and he will surely feed it. We need to demonstrate forcefully that Nagas can not fulfil “their long cherished dream” of severing Meitei arms. Hopefully, after a balanced debate based on reason and sanity, common sense would prevail upon the educated Naga elite that in their dogged pursuit of a hobby horse they should not forget the spirit of peaceful existence by not fracturing body politic of their neighbouring states.
I rest my case.
PS. I have used modern abbreviations - CE (Common Era) for AD and BCE (Before Common Era) for BC as they are now used in intellectual circles because of their secularism. Concluded
Pieces of a Mandate: The Manipuri people have spoken. But what did they actually Nagarealm.com
Predicting human choices is often beyond the reified world of psephology. And therefore, notwithstanding the statistical projections, the exercise of ‘meaning-making’ or making sense of the what, why and wherefore of voters’ choices is inevitable in every election’s aftermath.
Take the result of the just-concluded election in Manipur. One of the major issues that have rocked the state, and even forced a reluctant government at the Centre to respond, has been the controversy over the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. It has been an ‘election issue’ with many political parties promising that they would work for the removal of the Act, if they come to power. But the Congress, a party which not only blocked a resolution to have the Act removed in the just dissolved 8th Assembly but also did not include the issue in its election manifesto, retained power in the state. That too, by significantly improving its performance from the earlier election, barely missing the figure of absolute majority. How do we make sense of this?

Or, take the case of ‘Naga integration’ in the hills of Manipur. The United Naga Council (UNC) fielded eleven candidates as the ‘consensus’ representatives of the ‘Naga people’. But not only did other Naga candidates fiercely contest them, only six of them managed to win. In Tamenglong, a part of the proclaimed ‘Naga Areas’, Khanthuanang Panmei, who had been reportedly forced to announce ‘retirement’ from the elections by the NSCN (I-M) after he was kidnapped, won by a significant margin. How do we make sense of this ‘consensus’ of ‘Naga aspiration’?

Or, what about the claims of the Congress that people have voted the party back to power for ‘development’? In a state with dismal infrastructure and abysmal basic amenities in terms of drinking water and electricity, why have people voted the same government to power again? And what about the ‘regional sentiment’ or ‘regionalism’ which the Manipur Peoples’ Party is said to represent? The recent ‘resurgence’ of this party in the pre-election scenario was followed by its dismal electoral performance. How do we make sense of this?
These issues question the certainty or nature of the ‘realities’ we take for granted. For instance, the ‘consensus’ of the ‘Naga people’ and their aspiration, or the ‘people’s voice’ against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act or perhaps even more crucially, the ‘representative-ness’ of democracy.

The success of the Congress could be largely due to the issue of ‘stability’ that the party has projected during the elections. Given the historicity of the power relations between the Centre and the state, the party that rules at New Delhi invariably tends to form the government in Imphal. Besides, the democratic election, at least in South Asia, is not merely a question of electing a ‘representative’ for ‘governance’. It is also a question of ensuring access to the corridors of powers by electing people who convey such an assurance (be it on the basis of one’s caste or kinship or other attributes). This has been the crucial psychology that constitutes ‘voting behaviour’ in the region.

Another crucial aspect that has marked the success of the Congress is the ‘opportunism’ that people read in those politicians who joined the other major party, the Manipur People’s Party, just before the elections. That most of these heavyweights lost the elections is a pointer to that feeling.

But at the end of it, the people have expressed their will, and despite its seeming contradictions, they will be ruled by a government that results from that expression. [A. Bimol Akoijam, IE]