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01/26/2007: "Centre mulls new ceasefire monitor"

Centre mulls new ceasefire monitor The Telegraph OUR BUREAU
New Delhi, Jan. 25: The Centre is considering a change of guard in the Ceasefire Monitoring Group which oversees the truce agreements of the two NSCN factions.
According to sources, former Andhra Pradesh DGP Swaranjit Sen may replace Lt Gen (retd) R.V. Kulkarni, the current incumbent. Sen, who retired in December, may take up the assignment in Kohima after Gen. Kulkarni vacates the position.
The move is likely to displease the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) but make it rival group, led by S.S. Khaplang, happy. The latter had been campaigning for Gen. Kulkarni’s removal. The “real” reason behind the move, apparently, is to use the Khaplang group to flush Ulfa rebels out of Myanmar.
The NSCN (K) reportedly trains Ulfa militants in its Myanmar camps. From Upper Assam and Arunachal Pradesh, Ulfa militants cross over to that country with the help of the Naga outfit.
Gen. Kulkarni had repeatedly told the home ministry that despite a ceasefire, not even one per cent of the group’s armed rebels stayed within designated camps, whereas nearly 55 per cent of NSCN (I-M) rebels lived in camps.
This apparently displeased those in North Block who are in favour of the NSCN (K)’s help to tackle Ulfa. The move, however, may affect the ongoing peace process with the NSCN (I-M).
A rare meeting that mended fences Special Correspondent The Hindu
Thiruvananthapuram: For the Governor-designate K. Sankaranarayanan and Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader K. Karunakaran their meeting here on Thursday was a rare one that mended fences of political differences lasting more than a decade.
Mr. Sankaranarayanan called on Mr. Karunakaran prior to his departure to assume charge as Nagaland Governor, but that was enough for both to go down memory lane. Mr. Sankaranarayanan and Mr. Karunakaran fell apart way back in 1994 when the former was denied a Rajya Sabha seat. Since then, Mr. Sankaranarayanan was a hard critic, never hesitating to express his political opposition to Mr. Karunakaran's brand of politics. He hardly made any social calls on Mr. Karunakaran since they parted ways, though they had sat together around the UDF table discussing issues. But the ice melted when Mr. Karunakaran called up Mr. Sankaranarayanan to congratulate him on his appointment. The latter returned the courtesy amid the full blare of the cameras.
The Governor-designate also called on Governor R.L. Bhatia sans the media glare. Mr. Sankaranarayanan also called on Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan who gave him a warm welcome with a friendly hug. The two spent some 20 minutes together. Mr. Sankaranarayanan extended an invitation to the Chief Minister to visit Nagaland.
PATCH-UP: K. Sankaranarayanan, Governor-designate of Nagaland, calls on NCP leader K. Karunakaran at his residence in Thiruvananthapuram on Thursday, (right) Mr. Sankaranarayanan with Chief Minister V. S. Achuthanandan at the latter's office. Photos : S. Mahinsha and S. Gopakumar
Several officials and political leaders called on him at the Guest House where he was staying to convey their best wishes. He also visited the KPCC headquarters before returning to Palakkad.
Mr. Sankaranarayanan will be sworn in on February 3. The KPCC has nominated its official spokesman M.M. Hassan and KPCC general secretary Benny Behanan to attend the swearing in ceremony.
Datta calls for peace, tolerance The Morung Express
DIMAPUR, JAN 25 (MExN): Barely a few hours before his term ends, outgoing Governor Shyamal Datta observed that during his tenure as Governor he had regarded Nagaland, with its myriad tribes with their resplendent culture, as a land of diversity. “I am convinced that we can manage such diversity only through a mindset which is tolerant, broad in vision, and values peace resolution of differences”, Datta stated in his message on the occasion of Republic Day, 2007.
Basing on his observation spanning five years of his experience with the people, Datta stated that Nagas are talented in various fields and that with sustained focus and labour, the Naga people can successfully exploit the opportunities in the changing world around them. However, for this to happen, the thirst for peace has to be quenched by stopping the factional violence. “Violence has never borne fruit. Rather, it torments and hurts the society, restricting the people from rising to their full potential. The time has come when those indulging in the game of killings and one up-manship, should step back and listen to the inner voice of the people”, Datta strongly propagated while adding that “if we have faith in human goodness, we can find solution to any problem”.
Pointing out that to realize their ‘dreams’ and ‘destiny’, people have to work hard with a sense of purpose “to shape our own future”. While stating that the world was being shaped by the forces of globalization and technology, Datta pointed out that Nagaland is inherently strong because of its rich natural and mineral resources and unique practices, being followed in different areas and fields of operation. “This core strength needs to be harnessed so that scopes are created out of it, for the employment of the growing numbers of our unemployed youths”, Datta stated.
Simultaneously, there was an imperative need for an urgent attention to address “inadequacies” that weaken the institutions and systems. “What is also required is enlisting participation of the people in the process of development so that they can play direct role in the transformation of our society”.
On economy, Datta pointed out that it needs to deliver more benefits to more of its citizens and its government must become more transparent, open and honest. This, he stated will require reform of bureaucratic procedures, work culture, education system, infrastructure etc. “The tendency to prefer the status quo to remain, is the worst option for the status quo benefits the vested interest”. Nagaland Governor Shyamal Datta talks with The Morung Express from his chair in Raj Bhavan, Kohima on Thursday, January 25. (MExPix)
In this regard, Datta described the Right to Information Act as a powerful weapon in the hands of the people to ensure that various instruments of government remain on track and the society develops greater vigilance. “If you want to make a leap from under-developed to developing, the economy has to be put into high orbit of growth, and attend to the serious social tasks to make the society strong socially, morally and economically”, Datta reminded.
Datta also pointed out that women, in horticulture, in floriculture and in a variety of services including public leadership, will have to play an important role in the State’s future progress. “Tradition gives us a sense of identity, but it is not cast in stone. Tradition is lived through the people and is subject to reinterpretation with the changing times”. Datta stated that the setting up of the Nagaland Women Commission, the provision for reservation of wards for women in the State’s municipalities and for a woman member in the NPSC will enable women to contribute more to the progress of the Naga society. “In addition, what we urgently require is the return of a woman candidate through popular vote to the State Legislative Assembly”, Datta pointed out and wished the people of the “beautiful State, success in the quest of peace and economic progress”.
Before farewell, Datta speaks his mind Thannganing Hungyo Raj Bhavan | January 25
Before he takes his final steps out of ‘Ura Bhavan’ as Governor, Shyamal Datta passes on pearls of wisdom he collected from the sixty-six winters he has braved. His 16 years of association with Nagaland has, perhaps, crafted an instinct which identifies the Naga mindset better than most Nagas. In an exclusive interview with The Morung Express, the Governor shares his insights.
As people, and as individuals, Nagas are ‘wonderful,’ he says. But the need of the hour: “We need more of collective identities instead of individual identity.” Datta attributes this to the contact cut-off in earlier days. The divide between hills and plains and the split between tribe and tribe is because of communication failures in the past, he explains.
The Governor hopes Nagaland’s copious natural and mineral resources are tapped and channeled to improve quality of living. For this to happen, the youth have to play a proactive role. Sadly, not enough interest is generated by the generation in question. Ways need to be explored to excite youngsters on prospects of agriculture, Datta recommends. Though his most memorable experiences have been interactions with the younger generation, the Governor is not all too pleased with the present trends of the youth, especially of those above Class VIII. And what is his mantra for correcting this? Collective responsibility and a change in the institutional mindset which professes that the young are “not supposed to talk.” Says Datta, “Unfortunately, their minds need direction.” A conversation etched in his memory is one he had with a young lad. More or less, it runs in this manner.
Datta: How many hours do you study in a day?
Schoolboy: One
Datta: Is only one hour enough?
Schoolboy: How do you expect a Naga to sit down for more than an hour?

Datta and Women Don’t get it wrong. The only woman in the Governor’s life is Ishani, his wife. What Datta actually wants is female representation in the Legislative Assembly. His dream is to see two from the fairer sex getting elected as MLAs in Nagaland, though it’s difficult to say when this will actually happen. The pitting of two women against formidable heavyweights in the last elections is ‘hypocrisy’, according to the term adopted by Datta.
But he is happy that in recent years women are coming to the forefront. Examples are the institution of a Women Commission, the inclusion of a lady member in the NPSC and the reservation of seats for women in municipalities and town councils. Morung Express News
UNC President says allegation ‘baseless’ The Morung Express
DIMAPUR, JAN 25 (MExN): Reacting to charge made by the President of the Naga National Party, Ng Hungyo, a peeved UNC President Paul Leo today registered disapproval on the “baseless” allegations made against the civil body. Leo said Naga bodies have rejected the recently instituted People’s Democratic Alliance to which the NNP also belongs, as the party’s objectives “do not reflect the interests of the Nagas.” Another alliance that has fallen short of favour is the United People’s Democratic Alliance.
He showed disappointment by saying that Hungyo, instead of educating the people, has taken to an “ulterior motive.”
Clarifying his position, the UNC President said although the public body’s constitution forbids members from indulging in politics, they had been compelled to draw moves in view of the urgency of the situation. No MLA in the Manipur Assembly has raised a voice in favour of the Nagas during the past nine and a half years, he reiterated. He informed that on October 20 last, the Federal Assembly of the UNC had approved to take a “lead role” in the elections and added, “We realize we are entering a very crucial phase.”
The UNC has visited all district headquarters of Naga areas from November 30 onwards and from January 3 it has covered sub-divisional headquarters.
On the selection of consensus candidates, he said the process was undertaken basing on the performances of candidates. “We are not hiding anything,” Leo affirmed. The UNC has also banned the offering of bribes by candidates and has also forbidden any form of revelry that may serve as vote-pullers. Leo further said that Hungyo, as President of the Samata Party in Manipur, had lend his voice to the territorial integration of Manipur.
NSCN-K cadres released The Morung Express
Dimapur, Jan 25 (MExN): The NSCN-IM has released three cadres of the NSCN-K, apprehended by the former on January 22 from Dimapur. An MIP NSCN-IM release said the three – Vikekhe Chishi (38), Hutoshe Yeptho (35) and Khetoho L Swu (30) from Lotovi village, Kuhuboto and Asukuto respectively – defected to the NSCN-K and were found to be actively involved with the faction. The MIP informed that the release came in the wake of Sumi organizations like the Western Sumi Hoho appealing for their release. On this, the three were set free on January 24 on humanitarian grounds under certain agreed terms and conditions.
Meanwhile, the NSCN-IM Lotha region has appealed to all “brothers and sisters” in the NSCN-K, NNC/Federal from the Lotha community to join the organization under the Collective Leadership. “…to search your minds and come forward to the international recognized political organization of NSCN-IM in a single or in block to any one of your fond leaders or you may come to the Lotha Hoho president” stated Deputy Kilonser ‘Maj. (Retd)’ BC Ezung of the Lotha region. “All are same and the one to do it. The spirit of God is speaking and waiting for you to do it when the right time for forgiveness declared on January 13, 2007” it stated while calling to “let us live a peaceful life with our own kids and kens which is the will of God here on Earth”.
‘CPO’s decision to abide with NNC not holistic’ The Morung Express
Dimapur, Jan 25 (MExN): The NSCN-IM says the decision of the Chakhesang Public Organization (CPO) to abide by the NNC is not “holistic in nature” and the Chakhesang community is not satisfied. The NSCN-IM is responding to the statement made by former NLA Speaker Z Lohe on the said decision, and terms it as “immature” and ‘biased’ in every manner.
“It is not but the outcome of decisions made by few individuals with vested interests” stated a response from NSCN-IM Deputy Kilonser of “War Victim Welfare” Venuzo Zholia. The decision of the CPO to abide by the NNC without siding with any particular faction is not holistic in nature for which the Chakhesang publics are not satisfied and till date no single community, NGO or people’s organization have unanimously voiced their support to any particular group/organization as done by the CPO, if Lohe’s statement is true, the NSCN-IM stated. “The decisions and propagandas of the 1994 (in this regard) had become a thing of the past that cannot be put to use in today’s affair which is stranded with complex issues. All NGOs or people’s organization in today’s world propagates and practices neutrality and CPO is not exceptional” the Deputy Kilonser pointed out. The rejoinder also expressed surprise that a person of Lohe’s stature would term the Naga political issues as “exams”. The Naga political issue is one calling for retaining the birthright of the Nagas, the process for which needs mass-support and cannot be solved or ended by vested interests of an individual or an organization, the NSCN-IM stated.
“What was the result of the exam given by the NNC? The Shillong Accord? The 16-Point Agreement? Are those you accept? If not, are the NNC going to sit for the exams once more?” the NSCN-IM queried in reply to the assertion of Lohe that the ‘NSCN is now sitting for an exam. The chapter of the NNC was sealed with the Shillong Accord on November 11, 1975 and thereafter although it exists, it is now like a ship without a radar so the Nagas need to study the political issue with wisdom, it added.
NSCN (K) asked to revoke statement Nagaland Post
Dimapur, Jan 25 (NPN): The NSCN (I-M) Thursday asked the supervisor of Union Territory-1, NSCN (K), Akato Chophi; to revoke his recent statement announcing a bounty of rupees five lakh for capturing or killing NSCN (I-M) Dimapur town commander "maj" Ape Chakhesang and UT-1 political organizer Kakuho Assumi - or giving information leading to the arrest of the duo.
A statement issued by CAO, UT-1, NSCN (I-M), P. Kihoto Yepthomi; pointed out that Naga Army was duty-bound to arrest enemies and then pursue the matter accordingly. Therefore, he said, the matter pertaining to the arrest of slain NSCN (K) functionary Vikuto alias Neon, who had defected to NSCN (K) from NSCN (I-M) recently, was done by the "government" and not by "maj" Ape Chakhesang or Kakuho Assumi as alleged by Akato Chophi.
Drawing a parallel between the killings of Vikuto and "maj" Jesper of NSCN (I-M), who was shot dead by NSCN (K) at a petrol pump at Nagarjan in Dimapur recently, Kihoto said though NSCN (I-M) was well aware that Jesper was killed under the command of Akato, it did neither personalize the matter nor shift the responsibility on Akato or the "co-executors" as every individual was serving the nation for the common cause and not for his or her personal gain.
Kihoto said this was why the NSCN (I-M) did not announce any bounty upon Akato.He said Akato created history of sort in Naga society by announcing such a bounty and asked the latter to "immediately withdraw his words of frustration and immaturity". The NSCN (I-M) CAO of UT-1 warned that Akato would be held solely responsible "if any untoward incidents happen to maj Ape and Kakuho".
Message of H.E, the Governor of Nagaland on the occasion of Republic Day 2007- Nagaland Post Dear brothers and sisters and beloved children,
On the 57th Anniversary of our republic, I extend my warm greetings and best wishes to you all. This is the day when we revisit the founding principles of our constitution, and recall, with gratitude, the sagacity and wisdom with which the illustrious framers of the constitution prepared this remarkable document which has served our democratic and pluralistic polity so admirably for well over half a century.
2. Dear friends, during my tenure as Governor of your state spanning five years, I have regarded Nagaland, with its myriad tribes with their resplendent culture, as a land of diversity. I am convinced that we can manage such diversity only through a mindset which is tolerant, broad in vision, and values peaceful resolution of differences. I have observed the expression of talent among the Nagas in various fields and I am convinced that we can, with sustained focus and labor, successfully exploit the opportunities in the changing world around us.
3. For this to happen, the thirst for peace has to be quenched by stopping the factional violence. Violence has never borne fruit. Rather, it torments and hurts the society, restricting the people from rising to their full potential. The time has come when those indulging in the game of killings and one up-manship, should step back and listen to the inner voice of the people. If we have faith in human goodness, we can find solution to any problem. 4. Friends, we cannot sit idle and wait for destiny to realize our dreams. We have to work hard with a sense of purpose to shape our own future. The world is being shaped by the forces of globalization and technology. Nagaland is inherently strong because of its rich natural and mineral resources and unique practices, being followed in different areas and fields of operation. This core strength needs to be harnessed so that scopes are created out of it, for the employment of the growing numbers of our unemployed youth. Simultaneously, there is an imperative need for an urgent to inadequacies that weaken the institutions and systems. What is also required is enlisting participation of the people in the process of development so that they can play direct role in the transformation of our society.
5. The economy needs to deliver more benefits to more of its citizens and its government must become more transparent, open and honest. This will require reform of bureaucratic procedures, work culture, education system, infrastructure etc. The tendency to prefer the status quo to remain is the worst option for the status quo benefits the vested interest. The Right to Information Act is a powerful weapon in the hands of the people to ensure that various instruments of government remain on track and the society develops greater vigilance. If you want to make a leap from under-developed to developing, the economy has to put into high orbit of growth and attend to the serious social tasks to make the society strong socially, morally and economically. 6. Women, in horticulture, in floriculture and in a variety of services including public leadership will have to play an important role in our future progress. Tradition gives us a sense of identity, but it is not cast in stone. Tradition is lived through the people and is subject to reinterpretation with the changing times. The setting up of the Nagaland Women Commission, the provision for reservation of wards for women in our municipalities and for a women member in the NPSC will enable women to contribute more to the progress of our society. In addition, what we urgently require is the return of a women candidate through popular vote to the state legislative assembly. 7. On the occasion of the Republic Day, I wish the people of this beautiful state, success in the quest of peace and economic progress.
Thank you, God bless Jai Hind
Nagaland refuge for ULFA The Morung Express GLA chief says he was the outfit’s linkman in Dimapur
Kohima, JAN 25 (Agencies): Gorkha Liberation Army (GLA) commander-in-chief Ajay Subba, who was arrested in Dimapur recently, has disclosed his “close links” with Ulfa commander-in-chief Paresh Baruah. Subba said the GLA is a front for Ulfa’s intelligence wing and was set up in Nagaland taking advantage of the ongoing ceasefire between the Centre and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah). The group functions as Ulfa’s link in the state and coordinates the safe passage of the banned outfit’s recruits to Myanmar for training. Subba said he had written to Baruah seeking his blessings to set up a camp in Dimapur as the two outfits share a common agenda. In another communication, he had praised the Ulfa leadership, saying it was the only organisation in the Northeast that the government of India had not been able to break.
Before he started working as an Ulfa linkman, Subba used to be a lottery baron in Assam’s Tinsukia district. He is reportedly a close associate of lottery baron and Assam MP Mani Kumar Subba, whose nationality was recently questioned by the Supreme Court. Subba has also been implicated in a Rs 38,000-crore Nagaland lottery scam. The GLA chief was also involved in several other illegal activities. Police said Dimapur has become a safe haven for several Northeast insurgent groups who are taking advantage of the ongoing truce between Delhi and NSCN (I-M). Many of these militant groups have close links with the NSCN (I-M), which has its headquarters near Dimapur. According to intelligence reports, these militants undergo training at NSCN (I-M) training centres. Several Ulfa militants have also infiltrated into Nagaland to escape army operations against the outfit.
An appeal- Nagaland Post Opinion
I am one of the senior freedom fighters from the Lotha com-munity, so I feel very painful to see division among us, fighting and killing one another. To make the dividing forces united, I appeal to the apex organizations like Lotha Hoho, the Lotha Students' Union, the Lotha Women Union and the Village Chairman, Gaonburas and elders of 96 villages to listen carefully the call of God for confession, forgiveness and reconciliation called for by the collective leadership Isac Chishi Swu, chairman and Th. Muivah Ato kilonser, NSCN (IM) on January 13' 2007. For follow up action, I encourage the Lotha apex bodies to form a committee for carrying out the peace mission to all length and breadth of Nagalim. The peace maker will surely see God in its own glory.
However few we are, Lotha region happens to be a historical region in the long course of the Naga National movement. We made many historical events to successfully process and implement from Wokha. The present political situation prevailing in Nagalim is the third political confusion which every body speaks and writes for solution of it. As the spirit of God speaks to have his peace to prevail among Nagas, I believe that this confessional time needs the unity of Lothas to carry out the peace and reconciliation mission to all Naga tribals loosing no time. Let us carry the sacrificial burdens for the sake of unity of Nagas. The innocent patriotic sacrificial blood cries out and calls us to unite together as one man to resolve the confused political situation to receive the light of our Lord Jesus Christ and to brighten our sinful hearts to receive the lasting peace of God in Nagalim.
As one of your brothers, I call upon Lotha men and women to bang our heads harder ever and get out the best ideas and wisdom to best suit all Naga factional cadres to accept the golden chance offer for forgiveness and reconciliation. This is our time to solve our difficulties created by us or never be it again. Therefore I appeal to all brothers and sister serving in NSCN (Khaplang) and in NNC/Federal from Lotha community to search your minds and come forward to the international recognized political organization of NSCN (IM) in single or in block to any one of your fond leader/leaders or you may come to the Lotha Hoho president. All are same and the one to do it. The spirit of God is speaking and waiting for you to do it when the right time or forgiveness was declared on January 13' 2007. Let us have a peaceful life with our own kith and kin which is the will of God, here on earth.
Maj. (Rtd) B.C Ezung,Deputy Kilonser, Ministry of education, GPRN, NSCN (IM).
Myanmar’s 88 Generation comes of age Bertil Lintner Column The Morung Express
Myanmar’s military government may have narrowly escaped United Nations Security Council sanction, but it is facing an unprecedented political challenge at home, not by the crippled opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) but by an emerging network of dissidents who refer to themselves as the 88 Generation Students’ Group.
Unlike the NLD, the 88 Generation is not a political party, but rather a movement comprising a generation of students who were active during the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. The military crushed that movement and later sentenced many of the demonstrators to prison for various anti-state crimes. Nearly two decades later, many of those activists are now coming of age and in recent months they have launched a series of civil-disobedience campaigns that have openly challenged the ruling junta.
The pro-democracy veterans started to meet and discuss politics in Yangon teashops about two years ago. Many of them had spent long years in prison and were “plucked from their families, from their studies”, according to one foreign observer who recently met with the network’s members. “At last free, they still live in a kind of captivity, locked out from the universities and colleges which once offered them the promise of relatively rewarding academic careers,” he said.
Last August, the 88 Generation informal network was established. Not surprisingly, the group’s most prominent leaders were arrested the following month, but in October other members launched a nationwide petition calling for the release of the estimated 1,100 political prisoners - including the detained leaders of the group - and a start to a genuine national-reconciliation process. Dressed symbolically in white, the group’s members traveled around the country and by October 23 had collected 535,580 signatures, which were subsequently sent to the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), as well as various UN organizations.
In November, the 88 Generation initiated a mass multi-religious prayer campaign. Participants were urged to wear white clothing and hold candlelight vigils in Buddhist, Christian, Hindu and Muslim places of worship. Tens of thousands heeded the network’s call and offered prayers for a peaceful resolution to Myanmar’s political impasse, freedom for all political prisoners, and help for victims of floods that at the time had devastated many areas of the country.
On January 4, Myanmar’s Independence Day, the 88 Generation network launched yet another audacious campaign dubbed “Open Heart”, entailing a letter-writing campaign encouraging Myanmar citizens across the country to write about their everyday complaints and grievances with military rule. The organizers have said that by February 4, the campaign’s scheduled last day, they expect more then 25,000 letters to be sent to SPDC chairman Senior General Than Shwe.
The SPDC has no doubt been taken aback by these massive, but entirely peaceful, expressions of dissent. The junta has released the five 88 Generation leaders who were arrested in September, an unprecedented response to political dissidence from the historically heavy-handed junta.
Some political analysts read the move as a concession to the movement, but more likely the junta’s decision was influenced by an upcoming Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) meeting, where the junta was keen not to further alienate the grouping’s member states with the UN resolution already on the table. Certain ASEAN member states have expressed their concerns about the ruling junta’s lack of progress toward a democratic solution to its political crisis, and have privately lamented the frequent international embarrassment Myanmar has caused the grouping since its admission in 1997.
Yet the reason for the reclusive junta’s so-far-tepid response to the 88 Generation’s activities is still difficult to gauge. One prevailing theory is that the generals sense the new group’s moral authority among the public as former longtime political prisoners and fear a popular backlash if they move too aggressively against its senior members. Another interpretation is that the generals are concentrated on building facilities around their new capital at Naypyidaw and as a result have neglected security measures for the old capital, Yangon.
Recent travelers to Yangon suggest that control mechanisms for the old capital appear less effective since the move to Naypyidaw in November 2005. Whatever the case, the dramatic rise of the 88 Generation is bound to complicate the junta’s plans to move toward so-called “military democracy”, as there is now a credible, albeit amorphous, civilian alternative to the generals’ rule.

Moral alternative The most prominent 88 Generation member is Paw Oo Tun, alias Min Ko Naing, a nom de guerre that translates from the Burmese into “Conqueror of Kings”. In August 1988, he was a 26-year-old zoology student who was eloquently addressing tens of thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators on the streets of Yangon, or Rangoon as it was then known (the junta officially renamed the capital and the country in 1989). After the military cracked down bloodily on the demonstrations and rounded up prominent speakers at the rallies, Min Ko Naing went underground on September 18, 1988.
In March 1989, he was tracked down and arrested by military intelligence and spent nearly 16 years in solitary confinement. When Min Ko Naing was released in November 2004, the once-youthful demonstrator was middle-aged and the years in abysmal prison conditions had left harsh marks on the 42-year-old’s body and face. Nonetheless, the long years in detention have clearly failed to extinguish the pro-democracy activist’s fighting spirit.
“The people of Myanmar must have the courage to say no to injustice and yes to the truth,” he said at the first 88 Generation meeting last August. “They must also work to correct their own wrongdoing that hurt society.”
Min Ko Naing was among those arrested in September and then released this month. So, too, was Ko Ko Gyi, another former student leader who in March 2005 was the first of the 88 Generation to be set free after nearly 14 years in detention. A third member of the 88 Generation who was released this month after serving a long prison term was Min Zeya, a law student who was a prominent figure in the 1988 pro-democracy movement. Two other prominent network members are Pyone Cho and Htay Kywe, who were among the five who were rounded up last September. Together, they represent the core of the network’s leadership.
With estimated thousands of followers, the 88 Generation is an entirely new phenomenon in Myanmar, and one that clearly has the junta unnerved. Many other Asian countries have certain “generations” that fought against military rule and sacrificed themselves for democracy. In South Korea, for instance, the term “386 Generation” was coined in the 1990s to describe students born in the 1960s who fought for democracy throughout the 1980s. Now in their 40s, many of them are university lecturers, lawyers, newspaper columnists, and even government ministers. In short, they are the country’s new political elite, widely admired by the general public for their past sacrifices in pushing the country toward more democracy.
In Thailand, too, people often refer to the “1970s Generation” of pro-democracy activists who took to the streets in October 1973 and forced the military government then led by Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn into exile. Three years later, Thanom and some of his associates returned to Thailand - which caused a new wave of student-led protests. These, however, were crushed by the military, and thousands of students, teachers and labor activists took to the jungle, where they joined the Chinese-backed insurgent Communist Party of Thailand (CPT).
Few of them were actually communists, and before long they had fallen out with the CPT’s diehard doctrinaire leadership. After a general amnesty in 1980, almost all of them returned to Bangkok and provincial cities, where they too went on to become prominent politicians and literary figures. Nowadays, to have been with the CPT in the 1970s bears no stigma and many from the generation are widely respected because of the hardships they endured in their struggle for democracy.
Now Myanmar’s 88 Generation has come of age, and its recent rise significantly comes at a time when the erstwhile pro-democracy NLD political party has accomplished little more than its mere survival. Back in 1988, the NLD was a mass movement, and it won a landslide victory in the May 1990 election, a result the military soon annulled. After years of military harassment of its members, the NLD is now only a shadow of its late-1980s and early-1990s self.
Most if its young members have been arrested, forced into exile or cowed into submission, and all its top leaders - including Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and former party chairman Tin Oo - are incarcerated, either under house arrest or in prison. Only a handful of mostly elderly spokespeople remain, and none of them has the strength and charisma to carry the party forward. That serves the interests of the ,junta since the NLD increasingly appears to the outside world a less viable alternative to the present military order.
The 88 Generation, on the other hand, has suddenly become a force to be reckoned with, although at the moment it has no proper leadership or organizational structure. And with the junta’s still-strict restrictions on freedom of association and assembly, it probably won’t morph into a full-blown political movement any time soon. But therein, perhaps, lies the nascent movement’s strength: the junta has shown it is easy to squash a political party, but it will be considerably more difficult to crush an entire generation.
Nameless The Morung Express Editorial
To be truly secure, Nagas need to critically look at the way we are constructing the future and dealing with the past. This has become the decisive factor at this point of history. More than others, it’s about us and how we as a people are engaging with the different facets of human life. There is a greater need for self-awareness. Nagas need an integrated, inclusive and hopeful vision of human security that focuses on long term interest, while addressing immediate needs. At this point, no amount of rhetoric or public relations can conceal the reality that we are in the midst of a deepening crisis, which is threatening the future.
The issues before us are more than just political. It involves every aspect of life that determines the well being of an individual. It would therefore be wrong for one to assume that everything would be alright, once a people achieve their independence. In fact it is possible that the problems and challenges would only be further compounded. Nonetheless, the issues of independence are essential for a people to take effective ownership of their wellbeing; and freely determine the course of their destiny by utilizing their resources in the way they know best.
Therefore, if we are to truly engage in the making and building of our society, we must commit ourselves in overcoming patronizing politics. The need to start from the ground-up is essentially fundamental. To this end, the powers that be must ensure that they do not corrupt the value system of the grassroots through coercive or seductive means. As long as coercion and seduction fuel the fires of patronizing politics, we will not succeed in ridding our society of corruption and abuse of power. The democratic values of accountability and transparency will be a far cry, while democratic participation will become a mockery. Nagas must accept that the problems of production has not been resolved the world over, and therefore one cannot simply assume that the problems of production has been addressed in our situation. There is a dire need for people to come together and evolve an economic and development policy which comprehensively addresses these faultline, while drawing up a pragmatic plan that will genuinely improve lives of people. The practice of blindly supporting policies – just because they are our kin – must be discouraged and ultimately made illegal. One cannot support an agenda in which the riche are accumulating more and more wealth, while the poor are getting poorer and slowly losing their ownership to decide what is best for them. This raises the question of governance and the structures that affects its implementation. As must as one dislikes engaging in the exhausting and daunting task of questioning the structures of governance, this confrontation is inevitable if we are to wish for a better life. It was Tidwell, who observed that the link between theory and practice lies in the structure. His insight could not have been more true. Generally, we Nagas have the tendency of personalizing issues to the extreme, so much so that the objective is lost. There are sufficient instances when people in power have been replaced by new faces, only to find out that the new one is no better. Therefore unless we transform the structures of governance, our hopes for change remains belied. In the final analysis we have no other option but to engage in dialogue to find a collaborative way in constructing our future.
Exploring Violence and Conflict in Naga Society The Morung Express Perspective
Violence and conflict are parts of the living human condition. But the levels of violence and conflict differ in kinds and in degrees from society to society. It is physical violence which draws our immediate attention. Physical violence is ultimately triggered by violence in the human mind. The mental violence leads to verbal violence or straightaway to physical violence. Most of the violence is the manifestation or reflection or expression of the pathology or sickness of the mind.
However, there can be legitimate and necessary violence and conflict in human society without which progress and development will be impossible. Violence against oppression, exploitation, authoritarianism etc, are legitimate and absolutely necessary if persuasion fails. In my thoughtful reflection, it appears very strongly that the kind of violence and conflict in Naga society is sadly a manifestation of sickness of the mind; although philosophically speaking it is very difficult to draw the line between the pathology and health of the mind.
The glaring examples of violence within Naga society are the inter-factional, inter-tribal, inter-village, intra-village clashes, senseless threats and counter threats, rampant corruption at every level, etc. Opinions from cross sections of Naga society eloquently speak out that even the so called some of the Naga National workers have become “privileged parasites”, others have become extortionists and yet some have become sheer destroyers of the very basis and foundation of the Naga society. In the eyes of the public, many of them are in the category of “curse” and not “asset” of the society. The silver lining of the Naga struggle is that very few individuals are still convinced of what they profess. Their exemplary life and genuine self-sacrifice, deep commitments have drawn the admiration and respect of the Naga public. It is because of such few dedicated and committed people that the organizations will survive and hopefully they will act as catalyst for better change and better future for the Nagas as a whole covering four states in India and Eastern Naga areas in Myanmar.
Some super rich Nagas have even candidly expressed their view that “it is better to be under the Indian government, than under the Naga government”. A lot of Nagas have expressed their feelings in this phrase “Today we fear the fellow Nagas more than the Indian Army.” Further, some non-Nagas have also casually expressed their opinions that Nagas seem to kill Nagas more than non-Nagas kill Nagas. From the analysis of the above opinions of people across different sections of society clearly reveal that something is going on seriously within the Naga society. Time has come for every thoughtful and caring Naga to awaken the moral and spiritual conscience of the Naga public, especially those Naga National workers who have deviated from their committed path. They have degenerated so much that the Naga public want to shun them; thereby they have become a nuisance value for the society. We have to do some serious soul searching and suggest remedial measures. In human history, in the name of politics and religion human blood has flowed as streams and rivers. Therefore, one has to be very wary and cautious about bad politics and closed-minded ritualistic religion. They can destroy a society completely if not leaving it to the state of destitution.
Sometimes sectarian violence arises from the reduction of the multiple identities of people to a single identity, viz. a particular political party or a particular religious sect or any one other identity. To argue that hatred and violence result from the reduction of multiple identities to a particular identity only forces the question one step backward i.e. why do we put people in a box called “X Tribe” or “Y Tribe” or “Z Tribe” or NNC or NSCN (I-M) or NSCN (K) etc. in a strong negative way. To ignore the multiple identities will facilitate hatred and anger. Because it is the human tendency to be hostile to “the other”, a tendency that readily arises to the surface in certain context, particularly the political factions among the Naga National workers. We all must work hard to persuade people that bias, prejudice and hostility against “the other” is not a necessary part of the political goal or aspirations by the people. In fact such prejudice and unbridled hostility will defeat the very objective of the struggle. The very ideology and noble cause of the Naga political question itself demand supreme sacrifice, tolerance of different viewpoints, dialogue and acceptance of multiple strategies to achieve the goal. In preaching hate, violence, threat, diktat and intolerance would amount to an appeal to a single identity and this in turn will fall into the trap of accepting the assertion of a single identity as the only truth, which has dangerous implications. Such stand is completely rejected by even post-modem thinkers and philosophers. The influence of the intolerant, crude and inflammatory rhetoric of any political group should be countered by appeals for reason, sanity, harmony and good work for the public to see and get their support magnetically and not by brute force. The efforts of the state government, the intelligentsia, the various NGOs and the media in this regard should be reinforced by pleas by the religious leaders. The fear of completely marginalizing or even wiping them out may push a particular group into over stressing their narrow separateness or accentuated tribalism and loosening grievously and perhaps fracturing the social and political cohesion repeating what happened during the head hunting days or like the chaotic, destitute African tribal groups. We should always try to strike a balance not once for all, but repeatedly and continuously.
We Nagas have to have a relook at our political question in the light of the changed political scenario of the world. Dalai Lama himself has already accepted Tibet as an integral part of
China although historically speaking it was never a part of China. The various European Nations are coming together as one economic and political block since 1957 at different stages. Over a decade ago even the South East Asian nations have come together economically, perhaps politically also in the near future. North and South Vietnam have already reunited. A lot of efforts are going on, on the part of different NGOs and the intelligentsia to reunite North and South Korea. Simultaneously negotiations and dialogues are going on too among Japan, China and Korea to come together despite many centuries of hostile conflict and violence among them. In the light of the growing power of India economically and politically and the aspirations of the Chinese to overtake the strongest Super Power i.e. the USA in a couple of decades, the Naga Intelligentsia and the Naga National workers need to have a serious relook at our political question.
What should we do to build the Naga society quickly? The answer to my mind is good and enlightened politics, just as bad politics destroys a society. We should allow the art of the possible and maximum toleration in politics as Aristotle had argued much before Christ. Further, as the ancient Chinese philosopher Confucius argued that a comprehensive consideration of the nature of man, not just the rationality of man, as basis of negotiation and consideration, in order to retrieve our moral power which we have almost lost in our struggle. It is my strong conviction that Confucian approach clearly suggests for hopeful development to humanize the world toward justice and peace by emphasizing on transformation of each human being and each civic organization in a manner of self-examination, self-reflection, self-cultivation and self-education in the spirit of mutual understanding and sympathy with others. According to Confucius even cosmic harmony requires a moral awakening and moral attentiveness in different races and tribes. Each group of people should recognize the very basic human needs for mutual care, mutual respect, mutual trust, relevant fair distribution of wealth and democratic and humanitarian use of power. If we Nagas try to implement such ontological-cosmological principle (Chinese Taihe) which is a kind of moral harmony we can march forward rapidly if not exponentially in the present context of globalization. Xavier Pfokrehe Mao Department of Philosophy NEHU, Shillong
AFSPA victims recount tale of woes, heart-wrenching moments By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express
IMPHAL, Jan 25: The trauma and evil consequences brought about by the infamous Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958 were recounted by the victims of the Act during a programme organised by the Apunba Lup at Manipur Press Club today. During the programme christened "Testimony AFSPA 1958", 10 victims of the draconian Act recounted their tale of woes.
Rebika of Ningthou-khong Kha-Khunou recounted the bitter moments when her seven year old daughter Thoibinao felled a victim to ‘stray bullets’ on January 10, 2003. Thoibinao was standing, ignorantly as she was, holding a glass of water to offer evening prayer before her life was abruptly put to an end. Adding to the woes of Rebika was that her husband who was watching TV at the moment was also crippled for life after he was hit by another bullet.
The so called stray bullets came off the barrels of BSF personnel who barged into the house under the impunity guaranteed by AFSPA 1958, recalled Rebika cursing the inhuman Act.
Ahanjaobi, one of the many women outraged by security personnel to satisfy their carnal desire, said that even as 10 years have passed since the incident, the nightmarish memories are still fresh in her mind. She is still enduring scornful glare from the people, Ahanjaobi disclosed adding that she has not been compensated till date. Sharing her experience, Aram Pamei of Naga People's Movement for Human Rights recounted that in the aftermath of the ambush undertaken by one UG group against Assam Rifles on July 9, 1987 at Oinam village in which 9 AR personnel we -re killed, an extensive search operation was launched in 30 adjoining villages.
In the course of the operations, three women were raped, five others were sexually assaulted while two women were forced to deliver in open, Aram Pamei recalled the horrendous incidents.
Moreover, 27 innocent villagers were slaughtered and Rs 5.79 lakhs looted, she added.
Taking part in the programme as a moderator, Arambam Lokendro disclo-sed that the Government of India responded to the Committee of Eliminating Discrimination Against Wom- en constituted under resolution no 1325 of the UN that there was no case of discrimination or torture against women by armed forces in India. Quite contrary to what was observed in the field, the Government of India responded that the armed forces of India respected women and they were patriotic soldiers, Lokendro informed.
Prof Naorem Sanajaoba who was also a moderator of the programme, said that he would send a complaint letter against the false and outrageous report furnished by the Government of India to the Committee of Eliminating Discrimination Against Women.
Taking strong exception to the reluctance of the Union Government to repeal AFSPA 1958 even after the Prime Minister himself had acknowledged the Act as inhumane, Prof Sanajaoba remarked that the Prime Minister was afflicted with a personal problem.
Apunba Lup coordinator Devan decried the use of Sharmila and AFSPA by political parties and candidates as their election agenda. He said that today's programme was organised with the objective of providing an impetus to the anti-AFSPA campaign by exposing and recounting the acts of atrocities committed by security forces under the impunity guaranteed by the Act.
Governor appeals to ULFA to come for talks By A Staff Reporter Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, Jan 25 – Governor Ajai Singh today said that the State Government had not discarded the option of talks with the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) despite the intensified counter-insurgency operations against the outfit following its violent activities. But he maintained that the militant outfit should give up violence to facilitate the talks.
“If you push the enemy much, you must provide it with an escape route. The option of talks should be there,” he said referring to a military rule. But to pave the way for the talks, the ULFA should abjure violence, he said in reply to a question on the possibility of resumption of the process of negotiation with the ULFA He was addressing media persons at the Raj Bhawan here this morning on the eve of the Republic Day. He also made an appeal to the people of the State to resolve to work for making India a developed nation and spread democratic values at all levels upholding the ideals enshrined in the Constitution of the country. At the same time, he said, the people should also make sincere endeavours unitedly to build a peaceful and prosperous Asom.
Conveying his best wishes to the people on the occasion of the Republic Day, the Governor also praised the role of the State’s society for its role against violence. “Assamese society has really stood against violence. I am very proud that there is a very strong society existing in Asom,” he said. Describing this as a very positive sign, he said that because of the role played by this society against violence the support base of the militants was shrinking. Even their cohorts in issuing calls to boycott the Republic Day celebrations have dwindled in number, he said in reply to a question. But he regretted that despite all such positive developments, the slightest of the negative developments taking place in this society is blown out of proportion. However, he did not blame the media for it. “The media is doing its job,” he said.
The Governor expressed the hope that the moment the ensuing National Games is held successfully by it, the tainted image of the State would be changed. And, he said, this was sure to happen on February 18 when the national event was scheduled to conclude. He was also optimistic that with the beefing up of security measures, the blasts triggered by the militants would also cease to occur. He also maintained that the security operations and the political mandate in handling the militants were all synchronized and properly handled, while replying to a question on the state of coordination in the Unified Command structure constituted to handle militancy in the State. In reply to a question, he said that intelligence was not available to assess the growth of the Pakistani Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) in the NE region. The ISI is operating also in other places of the country, he said.
ULFA violence leaves 70 dead, 120 hurt in Jan By R Dutta Choudhury Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, Jan 25 – The run-up to the Republic Day could not have been worse for Asom as militants belonging to the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) let loose a reign of terror in the state from the first week of January itself, first attacking the Hindi speaking people in the upper Asom districts and then triggering off blasts all over the state, causing panic among the common people. Meanwhile, night running of passenger trains throughout the state has been suspended from 6 pm of yesterday to 5 am of January 27, which will lead to cancellation of several trains and a number of major trains will have to be regulated. CPRO, NF Railway, T Rabha said that to reduce the inconvenience caused to the passengers, the railways have made arrangements for spot refund for the un-traveled portions of the tickets.

According to official records alone, more than 70 innocent civilians were killed and around 120 others were injured in about 35 incidents of violence involving the ULFA within this month. This year started off on a bad note for the state with the ULFA starting a bloodbath in the upper Asom districts of Tinsukia, Dibrugarh, Sivasagar and Dhemaji, killing more than 60 Hindi speaking people from January 5. The incidents created panic among the Hindi speaking people, leading to an exodus of labourers, particularly from the brick kilns of the upper Asom areas.

In fact, the ULFA issued several statements against the Hindi speaking people before launching the attack, but shortage of forces and the deployment of forces for the elections to the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council, national rural sports meet in Kokrajhar and the elephant festival in the Kaziranga National Park led to shortage of forces in the upper Asom districts to deal with the situation. The shortage of forces led to the formation of neighbourhood protection committees to engage the local youths to protect the vulnerable sections of the society and the experiment was first tried successfully in the Jonai subdivision of Dhemaji district and later the Government issued instructions to the Deputy Commissioners of all the districts to form such committees.

The killing of the Hindi-speaking people also forced the national leaders to take note of the situation in the state and the Prime Minister visited the affected districts to take stock of the situation, while, leaders of almost all the national level political parties made a beeline for the upper Asom districts. The Government of India moved in one additional brigade of the Army to launch a massive counter-insurgency operation, while, 30 additional companies of paramilitary forces were also rushed to the state to deal with the situation. Official sources said that six encounters took place between the security forces and the militants belonging to the ULFA after the mayhem caused by the outfit and nine militants were gunned down.

Though the situation in the upper Asom districts improved after the deployment of additional forces and launching of counter-insurgency operations with the deployment of more Army personnel, the militants shifted their attention to other parts of the state, triggering off explosions in public places and even in the busy areas of Guwahati city. Official sources said that during this period, the ULFA militants triggered off at least 15 blasts including four grenade blasts in different parts of the state, particularly in the busy localities.
The blasts in public places, mostly in the evening hours, created panic among the common people and most of the busy market areas now wear a deserted look after dusk. The Government also ordered closure of the municipal markets in Guwahati after 5.30 pm to avoid death of innocent people. The panic-stricken people have started reporting to police whenever they see any unclaimed object and bomb hoaxes kept the security forces on their toes all the day yesterday.
Ibobi denies he was paying for votes The Imphal Free Press
IMPHAL, Jan 25: Shrugging off the furor that arose after he was photographed offering cash to an elderly person during election campaigning in Thoubal on Tuesday, chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh has denied categorically that he had committed any violation of the election code of conduct. Ibobi, speaking at a flag hoisting ceremony at his home at Thoubal Athokpam Makha Leikai, said the episode had nothing to do with the elections. He clarified that the money was meant as potyeng for a phiroi ceremony, and there was no question of his attempting to buy votes.

Ibobi, it may be mentioned, had landed in trouble with the election authorities after the picture showing him offering cash to an elderly person was splashed on the pages of a local daily Wednesday. Several political parties had demanded his disqualification for violating the election model code of conduct, and the DEO, Thoubal had launched an inquiry in this connection.
Clarifying, Ibobi said that in the course of his election campaign tour on Tuesday, the family in question had invited him to attend their phiroi ceremony which was to take place today. As he was unlikely to be able to attend, he had given the elderly head of the family a sum of rupees two hundred only to be offered to the deity during the ceremony, he said. While expressing regret that the photograph in question had been published in such a manner as to give the impression that he was distributing money in a bid to buy votes for the elections, Ibobi reiterated that there was no question of his having violated the election model code of conduct, and he was prepared to face any repurcussions. Ibobi went on to deny that he had ever been guilty of any kind of corruption or financial irregularities. No one can say I have taken bribes for giving government jobs or issue of election tickets, he said.

Horrors of AFSPA, 1958 revisited The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Jan 25: With a view to increase the humanization of human rights movements, especially the long-going movement against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958, a one day testimony against AFSPA, 1958 was held today at the Manipur Press Club. Organised by the Working Committee of the Apunba Lup, the day-long testimony of the victims of different excesses of the state security forces under the covering of the AFSPA was an attempt to understand the hitherto unaddressed dimension of human rights violation in Manipur, that of trauma the victims had to endure and live with.
The sessions of the testimony were moderated by Prof Lokendra Arambam, senior citizen and Prof N Sanajaoba, department of law, Guwahati University. Victims of the AFSPA 1958 shared testimony of torture, enforced disappearances, custodial deaths, massacres, etc. Many of the victims, especially the women who were raped by the security forces, spoke about the continuation of stigma and discrimination even within their families. Prof Lokendra, in his observations, highlighted the response of the Indian army to the Committee on Elimination of Discrimination on Women CEDOW, UN. In its response, the India army remarked that there is no arm conflict in the Indian territory and that the Indian army is one of the most patriotic and well mannered army which is most literate about human rights, specially with regard to women.

Prof Lokendro stressed that at this critical juncture, the people of Manipur should try to find out ways to face such "white lies" of the Indian army. He said that there is a need to strengthen the movement for the repeal of AFSPA. He said that such testimony sharing will be held at larger forum. Taking up the responsibility to respond to Article 1325 Security Council Resolution on CEDOW, wherein India was questioned by the committee on existence of arm conflict and AFSPA, Prof N Sanajaoba said that the response of the Indian government is a blatant act of cheating 198 governments of the world. Around 10 people gave testimony of tortures, custodial deaths, enforced disappearance, rape, and massacres. The painful and inhumane incidents of Oinamlong, RIMS, Heirangoithong, etc were once again retold at the testimony sessions.

Self-contradictory Ulfa The Statesman
A news release issued on 18 January and dated 20 January by the United Liberation Front of Asom, parts of which have been carried in the media, portrays the true face of the organisation: duplicitous.
In one part of the statement, which begins with a call to boycott the Republic Day celebrations on 26 January, as is its wont, with three other armed groups, Ulfa says that “it is a matter of regret that those who condemn Ulfa for attacking the Hindi-speaking people are dumb about the Kakpathar-Makum massacre and killing of Burhidihinh Muhung village and Mairabari”. Then it says that the Bihar Regiment killed five Ulfa cadres in early January and destroyed homes in Dibrugarh and Tinsukia. This is the key: these blows to its cadres lie at the heart of its anger and frustration ~ that it has to hit back and in a way that grabs headlines and shows up the local government and even the Army as incompetent and bumbling.

It accuses the “Hindi-speaking people” of providing information to the government about Ulfa and asks them to “stay away during this conflicting (sic) period”. Because “rise of action can happen at any time”. It is unclear what Ulfa wanted to say by talking of “rise of action” but it could be either “rash of action” or “rise in activities”. But then, after accepting responsibility for the killings and then issuing a new threat and clenching the mailed fist of intimidation against the “Hindi-speakers”, Ulfa does a swift about turn two pages later. It says, in a section titled “There is no way other than struggle” that “Ulfa … believes in its aims and principles. It has never and will never entertain the dirty policy of acquiring its goal by gambling with the lives of innocent people”. And it blames Indian security forces for bombing in public places and as a result “people blame Ulfa for anything going wrong in India”. What are we to make of this contradictory position?
Will its spokesmen and supporters in the People’s Consultative Group please clarify? On the one hand, it says that it is responsible for the killings and threatens more unless the Hindi speakers leave. On the other, it says the State is responsible. Why can’t it be a bit more consistent because, in trying to wriggle itself out of the heat of public opinion, it is tying itself up in knots.

The reasons why The Ulfa campaign was a furious reaction to the death of its cadres and the increasing pressure that security forces have placed on it in the three districts in Upper Assam which provide them with hideouts. But what is of concern to the public is the ruthlessness with which it has targeted the innocent with crude IEDs (improvised explosive devises) which can maim and kill in markets and public places. By conducting such explosions, Ulfa is again asserting its terrorist alignment; this approach cannot bring any peace to Assam nor can it revive support for their lost causes because there are not many takers for sovereignty any more. It makes the process of dialogue more difficult, a process that some of us continue to advocate despite the difficulties that exist. We believe that shutting the door on groups such as Ulfa will give them more rationale to step up their activities in which the poor and vulnerable will suffer the most and the counter-offensive by the State in which grievous “collateral” damage will be inflicted on the innocent. Such approaches by anti-State armed groups will only play completely into the hands of the hawks in the Indian security establishment, who would rather seek to “crush” Ulfa by military means, which are offended by calls for dialogue because they believe this handicaps the armed forces determined to “wipe out” the group and also because this weakens, in their view, political resolve. Does Ulfa not see that its tactics are only harming not just its own cadres and supporters but also the state and the people whom it claims to fight for? Are its leaders so driven by anger and hatred that they cannot even understand this most obvious fact: that they are playing into the hands of the Indian establishment which will then hit back with fearsome power that will again destroy the ordinary persons’ lives and economy. No government can countenance such threats and intimidation and will only respond in the language that it knows: with striking power.

As far as the so-called Hindi-speakers concerned, apart from the seasonal migrants who come to work in brick kilns and construction sites across the North-east, and who were attacked as the easiest targets, there are many more lakhs who have been in Assam for decades. They have as much right to be there as any other ethnic group since this is a free country and people can migrate and settle anywhere, except where barred by special Constitutional provisions (‘outsiders’ cannot buy land in Jammu and Kashmir ~ Article 370 ~ and some parts of the North-east which are protected by the Sixth Schedule or Article 371 A of the Constitution).

Messrs Swu and Muivah: what now? And all these incidents have taken the focus away from the two Naga leaders sitting quietly in their camp near Dimapur. Isak Chis Swu, chairman of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, and his comrade in arms and general secretary, Th Muivah, have been there for weeks and unlike their earlier visits, this has been low-key and uncharacteristic. Even the local media has not been covering their activities (or lack of them) with any zeal; there is a growing frustration, residents of Kohima and Dimapur say, with the non-progress of 10 years of talks with New Delhi and a realisation that the current leadership, however competent, has not been able to take the process beyond a particular point.

There have been no high-ranking meetings with the Indian establishment barring an unpublicized discussion between Mr Muivah and Mrs Sonia Gandhi, of which the details are not known. The Government of India must not rejoice in the pressure that the I-M group is obviously under. Such an attitude will provoke hostile reactions which can aggravate an already difficult situation. But after 10 years of talks, where is this heading? Is it going anywhere at all? It is time that the NSCN leadership of both factions travelled across Nagaland to assess the public mood instead of sitting in their camps, attacking one another and expecting everyone to come to them. Or is it not safe enough for them to do so? That, in itself, and the need to rely on “Indian protection”, should indicate the extent of support for them.[Statesman]
Amid terror, Asom to salute the Republic
On Republic Day eve, ULFA explodes bombs at Guwahati, Rangiya and Tinsukia killing two persons With inputs from Tinsukia and Rangiya Sentinel
GUWAHATI, Jan 25: As the Government threw a security blanket throughout the State to thwart any attempts by militants intending to play saboteur on Republic Day to be celebrated tomorrow, the banned ULFA exploded three bombs, all in close succession at three places in the State, killing two persons and injuring three others.
The high-security Ganeshguri area in city was shaken again by a blast that was detonated by ULFA militants near a dustbin just in the edge of the flyover at around 6.30 p.m. There were no casualties as traders had shut their business by 5.30 p.m. Around the same time, another explosion at Rangiya killed one person on the spot and injured two others. The bomb, which was kept on a vegetable cart, exploded near the Shiv Mandir in the heart of Rangiya town, just 200 metres from Rangiya police station. A pedestrian was killed on the spot while the vegetable vendor and another civilian sustained injuries. Both have been rushed to the Rangiya Civil Hospital. At Tinsukia, an ULFA linkman, Binode Chutia, was killed when the bomb he was carrying in a bicycle accidentally exploded on NH 37 at Amtola in Borhapjan under Doomdooma police station this evening. The police said that the ULFA had planned to explode the bomb in Tinsukia town tomorrow on the occasion of Republic day. A pedestrian — Biswanand Prasad — was seriously injured in incident. He has been admitted to the Assam Medical College and Hospital in Dibrugarh. Another person, Shambhu Sahu, received minor injuries in the incident.