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09/22/2006: "CFMG meet reviews truce progress Staff Reporter Nagaland Post"


CFMG meet reviews truce progress Staff Reporter Nagaland Post
DIMAPUR, SEPT 21 (NPN): In another routine exercise to assess the ongoing ceasefire between the GoI and NSCN (IM), representatives from both the parties had a closed-door discussion on Thursday at Dimapur. Talking to reporters after the meeting, Lt. Gen (Retd) Kulkarni, Chairman, Cease Fire Monitoring Group (CFMG) said today's meeting reviewed the whole gamut pertaining to ceasefire between the GoI and NSCN (IM).
"We shared each other's concerns and the meeting went so well," said Kulkarni, who led the representatives of GoI including state DGP J. Changkija, IGAR Maj. Gen. S.S. Kumar and CRPF DIG Ticku. Asked if the topic of reviewing the ceasefire ground rules cropped up during the discussion, the CFMG chairman said it was upto New Delhi and the Naga group to work out on the matter.However, Convenor of Cease Fire Monitoring Cell (CFMC), NSCN-IM, Phungthing Shimrang said the NSCN-IM had made it clear to the representatives of GoI regarding "the violation of ground rules by the Indian Armed Forces."
The alleged nexus between Indian Armed Forces and NSCN (K), which the NSCN (IM) has time and again questioned New Delhi, was also discussed today, Phungthing told Nagaland Post over phone this afternoon. Referring to the NSCN-IM's continued insistence for amending the ceasefire ground rules, Phungthing said "the matter cannot just get diluted and therefore, whatever needs arise should be taken into consideration."
While stating that the NSCN-IM's stand had been made known to the GoI representatives today, he said every effort taken should focus on "how to bring about a solution."
Meanwhile, the next meeting between the GoI and NSCN (IM), particularly to discuss about a possible change in ceasefire ground rules, has been tentatively slated for October. Earlier the NSCN-IM was assured by the Centre of amending the "ground rules," Phungthing claimed but added "it has not happened so far." The CFMC Convenor said the NSCN-IM was watching "how sincere the GoI would go about…." However, he sounded optimistic about a "successful change" in the October meeting.
NSCN (IM) consolidating during ceasefire: Assam Rifles Zeenews Bureau Report
Kohima, Sept 22: The Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (Issac-Muivah) is consolidating itself, taking advantage of the ongoing ceasefire agreement with the Centre, according to a top official of the Assam Rifles.

"The ceasefire is giving the NSCN an opportunity to consolidate. We have conveyed our concern to the Ministry of Home Affairs," Inspector General of Assam Rifles (North), Major General S S Kumar told a team of visiting newsmen here.

Observing that the NSCN (IM) was procuring arms and improved communication systems, Kumar said the number of its cadre has also been on the rise lately.

"Earlier, there were about 800 cadre of the NSCN-IM. Of late, the figure ranges between 2,000 to 2,500," he said, adding the NSCN (IM) had a training camp in neighbouring Myanmar and reports about the existence of another camp in Bangladesh were being looked into.

Kumar said the outfit was trying to run a parallel government in Nagaland. "It has a political wing, a military wing, collects `taxes,` issues entry permits, registers shops and carries out investigations into crimes and irregularities in the state government," he said.

The NSCN (Khaplang), another NSCN faction, however, has no ceasefire agreement either with the government or with NSCN (IM) and this has resulted in factional clashes in the past two years. While NSCN (K) tries to push NSCN (IM) towards Dimapur, the latter attempts to push the former towards Myanmar, said IG of Assam Rifles, the main counter-insurgency agency in the North-East.

‘Bedrock of Naga society is a closed chapter, although it was a statement of truth of one side of the coin of the history of Nagaland’
Seminar on political stand of KDCC held Calls for unification of all factions into one block The Morung Express
Kohima, Sept 21 (MExN): The Kohima District Congress Committee in its third quarterly meeting of 2006 at the residence of MLA KV Pusa on September 15 had a seminar on the topic “Political stand of KDCC.”
The seminar, which was chaired by Vilhouzhalie, president Kohima District Congress Committee, was initiated by Khriedi Theunuo, vice president NPCC and participated by among others by KV Pusa, secretary CLP, MLA Medokul, Zakieo Metha, member PCC, Asu Keyho member PCC, Khumezo, member PCC, Medochunuo, president District Mahila Congress and Khriesanol Viswentso, general secretary DYC.
To bring about a stand for the KDCC, various issues were debated by the seventy plus members present and finally crystallized into the following stand;
1.On factionalism among the national workers, the KDCC will stand for the unification of all factions into one block.
2. Equi-distance does not mean maintaining a distance between national workers and the party but treating all factions equally.
3. The NBSE affiliation issue is best left to the centre as it is not in the power of the state.
4. That terming the DAN government as “Tenyimia government” is detrimental to Tenyimia.
5. From solution within 3 months to equi-closeness to interim agreement within a span of three years shows the immaturity of DAN government leadership.Talking about another interim, agreement shows the lack of historical knowledge of Nagaland by the DAN leadership, for the 16 point agreement is also an interim agreement on which the state government is formed.
7. “Bedrock of Naga Society” is a closed chapter, although it was a statement of truth of one side of the coin of the history of Nagaland.
8. “Our power is, at best, we can serve as a bridge between the Naga national workers and Indian government and for that we shall try our best.”
9. Congress stands for the upliftt of the poor section of the society and so, support the central policy of Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme which aims at one government servant in every house.
10. KDCC will have to give more of its time to frontal organizations.
11. ACCCs are the foundation of the district that their recommendation shall be honoured in selection of candidates.
The invocation was said by Visezo Usou, executive member KDCC while Vikrosa Zecho delivered the welcome address. Vote of thanks was offered by Kevi Vizo, vice president , KDCC, informed SecretaryViseyienuo.
Naga rebels clash in eastern India, seven dead 22 Sep 2006 08:17:49 GMT Source: Reuters Northeast India clashes

GUWAHATI, India, Sept 22 (Reuters) - At least seven rebels were killed in a gunbattle between rival factions of a separatist militant group in India's remote northeastern state of Nagaland, police said on Friday.
The clash occured on Thursday between two warring groups of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in a village in the Athibung area, about 120 km (75 miles) south of the state capital Kohima.
The NSCN has been fighting for a separate homeland for Naga tribespeople. More than 20,000 people have died in the nearly six-decade-old revolt in the Christian-majority state.
The Issac-Muivah and the Khaplang factions of the NSCN have been holding a ceasefire with Indian forces as part of a peace process, but are fighting each other in a war of supremacy.
Security has been tightened across the mountainous state to prevent further clashes, a police officer said.
Clarification to M. Yashei’s rejoinder The Morung Express In focus
• Sir – God knows whether I am a member of any Naga insurgent group and a real Konyak and that my queries on NSCN and NNC/FGN (Shillong Accord) was any prejudice and I have few queries for the NSCN (IM) too. However, Mr. M. Yashei, General Secretary Konyak Union, Kohima, along with the two mentioned insurgent groups have strongly questioned my credibility, which infact was regrettable.
In any case I don’t intend to hurt neither anyone nor Mr. Yashei, but as we are living in a democratic society, everyone has right to put question across or express his positive view for the betterment of the society. Without clarifying my queries and questions immediately jumping into conclusion branding me as NSCN (IM) member or Mr. Yashei charging me of issuing a confusing statement was unfortunate. But I’ll leave it to the Naga people to judge, whether my queries were confusing or not.
I can only say, our Konyak people shouldn’t live 50 years behind because of some few vested interest and frustrated persons, who are like frog in the well. Our Konyak leaders should know where we are today and where other Naga brothers are. We should not allow few frustrated persons to decide our future- we must be with the mainstream rather then with the jungle politics. Wanthang Konyak Chandmari Kohima (wang12@rediffmail.com)
Can India negotiate with NSCN (K)
• Sir – Time has for the Naga people to take the protracted Naga Political issue seriously. India is considered to be the largest democratic country in the world with her conventional commitment to imbibe rule of law. It is very clear beyond reasonable doubt that India cannot and shall not politically negotiate with NSCN (K) under the leadership of Uncle S.S. Khapalang a Burmese Naga National. The reason is that India knows very well that She simply has no territorial, political and legal jurisdiction to negotiate with Burmese Naga underground organisation.
This is a political reality. However, to carry on the Nagas common aspiration forward and materialize the dream of unity, integrity and sovereignty of Nagalim, NSCN (K) cannot but give strong support to the ongoing political dialogue between Government of India (GOI) and National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) -IM.
NSCN (K) must also work out for a dialogue with the Myanmarese government, if it really is concerned with NSCN –IM and the Nagas of India must fully support NSCN–K in its endeavour to negotiate with Myanmar. Such political stratagem and common understanding of the Nagas will substantially contributed in restoring Naga sovereignty in an undivided Naga homeland which was arbitrarily divided by the British –Indian colonial rule. Let us stop being subservient to the principles, teachings and command of the anti – Naga, elements. Let killing among the Nagas be completely stopped. Let good sense prevails in us. Renew the high spirit of oneness of the Nagas. L. Mark, New Delhi kaborang@yahoo.co.in
An appeal to NSCN (K)
• Sir – City Church is an English congregation established to provide a place of worship and fellowship for the people in and around Kohima irrespective of caste, tribe and race. We endeavor to build up one another in Christ.
We have a hope, and are convinced that only in Christ we can have peace and unity in our land. We work towards greater understanding and harmony amongst churches, tribes and individuals in our society.
We believe that each soul and tribe is precious in the sight of God and absolutely essential for fulfilling God’s purpose in our land.
Therefore, we the members of City Church, Kohima sincerely appeal to our brother in NSCN (K) in the name of Jesus Christ our Lord to reconsider and revoke the Quit notice served to Tangkhul community. By doing this we are sure that the Lord’s blessing will be experienced by you in greater measure. May God bless you.
M. Odyuo, Pastor
City Church, Kohima
Hoto Yeptho, Chairman
City Church, Kohima
Nagaland oil operations to resume By Subir Bhaumik BBC News, Calcutta
Rebels have been fighting in Nagaland for more than 50 years India's state-run Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) is to restart operations in the insurgency-hit north-eastern state of Nagaland. It was forced out of the state more than a decade ago by Naga separatist insurgents and radical youth groups.

The state government has now agreed that the ONGC can start production and exploration in the state. Nagaland's Chief Minister, Neiphieu Rio, says his government will provide adequate security to the ONGC staff.
'Self-reliant' "The ONGC should be able to come back and resume operations in Nagaland anytime now," he said. Nagaland officials say that this is the right time to exploit the area's substantial oil reserves because oil prices are high.
They say the revenues will help make Nagaland a self-reliant state. At present, much of Nagaland's expenditure is supported by subsidies from the central government. Even the separatist National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), which threatened action against the ONGC in 1994 unless it stopped operations, is now relaxed about the corporation's return to the state.
"We will not attack any company or corporation so long as they don't work against the Naga people," an NSCN spokesman told the BBC. In 1994, the NSCN, easily the strongest separatist group in the north-east, was still fighting. But two years later, it signed a ceasefire agreement with Delhi and started negotiations.
The talks have dragged on without producing any tangible result but the NSCN wants to continue the negotiations to find a durable settlement to the five-decade-old Naga imbroglio. However, the NSCN is fighting factional rivals, including one of its breakaway group led by Burmese Naga leader SS Khaplang.
Seven rebels of the NSCN and the Khaplang faction have been killed in the last three days in Nagaland all along India's frontier with Burma. The ONGC estimated in 1994 that Nagaland had reserves of over 600 million tones of petroleum and natural gas.
Taxing time Nagaland Post Editorial
In about five months, Dimapur witnessed at least six bomb attacks on shops and the government left grappling with how to tackle this new menace. According to official sources, the explosives were grenades and mostly improvised devices and the objective was to scare the shops that did not pay extortion money. Though the crude explosive devices were intended to scare, they did also injure several other shoppers or bystanders where the explosive devices were thrown. So far, the government has not said anything perhaps choosing to let the Dimapur district administration and police handle the matter. As expected, a high level security meeting was held to review the security scenario and also as expected, the response was to undertake such measures as frisking and checks in order to prevent free movement of those involved. The enforcement agencies have to crack the case since the offence has become very high profile. It may also be said that the inability of the investigation to take cases to logical conclusions in the past has been due to the loss of authority of the constitutionally and legally constituted government machinery. This has landed the police in a serious catch 22 situation in Nagaland and for which similar cases have yet to result in conviction. The failure of the agencies is not to be condoned since the lives of properties of the people continue to be at risk. Elements that prey upon the traders, businessmen and local entrepreneurs for money are testimony to the condition of society. Extortion cannot be taxation. The meanings of the two words differentiate between what is legal and illegal. It also differentiates between what is reasonably justifiable and what is unreasonable and totally unjustified. It stands to reason that if people pay taxes the agency collecting the tax has to provide services in a wide area covering essential services such as postal, communication networks, policing, hospitals, schools etc and also construction of infrastructures such as roads, buildings, plants etc. In short, taxes are authorized by the people through their legislatures or parliaments whereas extortions are not authorized but imposed by a group or individuals. The blasts in Dimapur have the potential danger of inspiring other misguided elements and even offenders to commit the crime. Whether imposters or addicts or whatever type that are likely to choose such methods for extortion; it will be up to the government to decide if the long arm of the law is to be unshackled.
Naga girl gangraped for 5 hours Nagarealm.com
MUMBAI, SEP22 [TOI] : She was lured by two men, who showed her promises of an airline job. The 24-year-old, who worked as a lobby assistant at Sea Princess hotel in Juhu, was taken to a Malwani resort by the two men, who took turns and gangraped her for over five hours.

Following the incident, the victim, first went to the police in Khar — close to where she lives — on Tuesday. On Wednesday, the Khar cops transferred the case of the girl — who belongs to the Naga community — to Malwani police station under whose jurisdiction the case fell. Regional additional commissioner Tukaram Chavan told TOI the victim had been taken to Nagpada police hospital for a medical examination and reports were awaited. The woman has identified one of the accused as Raj and the police are keeping tabs on his cellphone records. No arrests have been made so far. Police said the victim had moved to Mumbai three months ago and lived in a Khar flat taken on lease and shared with a friend. Police believe Raj was remotely acquainted with the victim — both had exchanged mobile numbers.

On Monday, Raj called her up and offered to get her a well-paying job with a leading airline. He asked her to meet him in person outside Malad's Inorbit mall the next day with her resume. On Tuesday, the duo met outside the mall between 1.30-2.00 pm. From there, Raj took her to a bar at Chincholi Bunder to discuss her prospects in the airline. They had some beer while the accused made attempts to gain her confidence. At 2.30 pm, he led her to Jurassic Park resort at Malwani and booked a room.
"We saw a young woman accompanied by a man in his 30s, enter the resort lobby. The man asked for a room and said they wanted to rest. The woman appeared semi-conscious," a staffer said. "Later, the man placed an order for food at the resort kitchen."
According to the victim's statement, another man — known to Raj — came up to the room in the afternoon. The two then took turns to rape her for over five hours. The victim said the second man left earlier — at around 7.30 pm. Raj left soon after that. She stumbled out afterwards, bleeding profusely, and went straight home. At midnight, she went to Khar police station with a friend, still shocked after what had happened.

"The accused entered his name in the resort register only as Raj. He did not leave behind any address or contact number. We are questioning the resort staff," said a police officer. The resort is currently managed by Miraj Hospitality, who were unavailable for comment.

The police are making identity sketches of the two accused on the basis of descriptions provided by the victim. The duo were about 30-35 years old and one of them sported an earring. They spoke in English with the victim. It's not clear if Raj used his original name or an alias. The police are also probing the possibility of the victim's drinks being spiked.

WSKH Resolves On Border Row Nagarealm.com
DIMAPUR, SEP20 [NPN] : In the wake of personnel of Assam Police allegedly frequenting inside Nagaland and harassing villagers, the Western Sumi Kukami Hoho (WSKH), representing one hundred and forty seven villages under Dimapur district, at a meeting held recently resolved to stand united on the Assam-Nagaland border issue. A press release issued jointly by WSKH president Shikuto Zalipu and its general secretary Vikato Achumi stated that the House also resolved that villages under the Hoho would continue to maintain the traditional boundary with customary laws and respect any settlement to the border dispute that is reached through political negotiations.

Further, the WSKH demanded that the dispute be resolved only through political negotiations as according to the 1925 arrangement in order to meet administrative convenience. The WSKH had convened the meeting in the aftermath of alleged high-handedness by Assam Police who had raided several Naga villages in recent times and harassed the law-abiding Nagas within the Naga territory by taking advantage of arbitrary boundary line of 1925.
"In fact, this artificial boundary line of 1925 was drawn through political arrangement by the British India Government Act of 1919, known as the Diarchy System.

Under the Act forest was included in the transferred subject and to meet the administrative convenience of the Assam provincial government, the Naga hills reserve forests were transferred to the districts of Nowgong and Sibsagar by drawing the arbitrary boundary line of 1925," the WSKH said. It further pointed out that at the twilight of British rule, Sir Akbar Hydari, the then Governor of Assam, entered into an agreement through political arrangement on June 29, 1947, which referred to re-transfer the reserve forest to Naga hills.
And after thirteen years, the WSKH said, the Hydari Agreement was re-affirmed in 1960

Arunachal set to become electricity power house Nagaland Post
ITANAGAR, SEPT 21 (IANS): The Arunachal Pradesh government Thursday signed agreements with three major public sector undertakings for development of mega hydropower projects that will enable it become a major powerhouse of electricity.
The pacts were inked with National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC), National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC) and North Eastern Electric Power Corporation (NEEPCO) to develop several projects with total capacity of more than 15,000 MW. After the signing of the agreements, Power Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde, who was present on the occasion, said the proposed projects would generate revenues of nearly Rs.12 billion a year for the state.
Chief Minister Gegong Apang and his cabinet colleagues were also present.
Endowed with perennial rivers and streams, Arunachal Pradesh's estimated electricity generation potential is about 50,000 MW. NTPC chairman and managing director T. Sankaralingam had last week said at a seminar in New Delhi that the company is proposing to undertake projects totalling 4,500 MW, with an investment of around Rs.220 billion. The NHPC is planning to invest Rs.250 billion for five power projects in the state. One of them - the Dibang hydroelectric project of 3,000 MW - will be undertaken in tie-up with the Arunachal Pradesh government. The other four projects - Tawang I and Tawang II of 750 MW each, Subansiri Upper of 2,000 MW and Subansiri Middle of 1,600 mw, are to be undertaken by NHPC on its own.
I won’t step down from post : Shylla The Morung Express
Shillong, Sept 21 (NNN): Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council Chief Executive Member (CEM) Hispreaching Son Shylla ‘won’t step down’ from his post. Shylla stated he has no intention to step down at this juncture. He would rather concentrate now on the pending works of the Council. The CEM added he had earlier contemplated to step down. But after his meeting with Members of District Council (MDCs) on Wednesday last, he changed his mind. Shylla also claimed support of Congress MDCs. There as been reports of his stepping down as the Council’s CEM in recent days. Sources said there was pressure from Congress legislators and MDCs here for speaking out against them including the state Home minister RG Lyngdoh.
Recently, he remarked that the state government was ‘weak’ as they favored help from Khasi Students’ Union (KSU) in detecting illegal migrants in Meghalaya. Moreover, Shylla’s stand on the stalled Uranium mining issue has also earned the ire of NGOs and some legislators, opposing such mining.
Chairman of the Council, M Pyrbot said a decision on Shylla’s continuance as the Council’s CEM would be decided by a High-powered Committee. Shylla welcomed the formation of the Committee. The Committee would include Chief Minister, JD Rymbai, State Congress President OL Nongtdu, former CM DD Lapang and a senior member of Jaintia Hills. On Shylla’s reported resignation, Pyrbot said “No! Shylla has not resigned.”
UNLF penalises informer By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express Ngangom Tomba

IMPHAL, Sep 21: An alleged informer of security forces has been rounded up, disciplined and handed over to family members by activists of UNLF’s central special force (CSF) today.
The accused Ngangom Tomba (45) s/o (L) Ibotombi Singh of Bishnupur Yumnam Khunou is alleged to have established a close rapport with a former KYKL cadre whose name is also Tomba - from Keinou. Ng Tomba used to provide information to the former KYKL cadre (Tomba) who is currently attached to the 22 Maratha Light Infantry, charged a CSF spokesman while speaking to media persons at a Bishnupur district location.
On Ng Tomba’s disclosures to the MLI posts located at Tulihal Airport and Maibam Lokpa Ching atleast three persons have been arrested, the spokesman maintained and identified the arrested persons as Ningol Singh (47) of Nambol Irengbam, Huidrom Mani Singh (45) of Keinou Thongkha and Tayaima (35) of Keinou Awang Leikai.
Expressing that the three persons arrested in August last may not have any connection with UG organisa- tions, the spokesman revealed that another two managed to evade arrest.
After shadowing Ng Tomba for sometime, the accused was finally nabbed from the irengbam Awang Leikai residence of his second wife - Kh Bilashini Devi - yesterday, claimed the spokesman. With a strong warning not to indulge in such activities to avoid stringent form of punishment decision has been taken to release Ng Tomba, the spokesman added.
One shot dead : One Rabilal Pradhan (46) of Kangpokpi ward no 9 was shot dead today at around 4.30 pm by two unidentified gunmen near Kangpokpi oil pump. The victim was hit by a bullet on the left thigh. It is reported that the death might have been caused by excessive bleeding.
The body has been deposited at Kangpokpi police station and a case has been registered there.
NE emerges as major destination of illegal arms From Kalyan Barooah Assam Tribune
NEW DELHI, Sept 21 – The penchant for Chinese hand grenades among militant outfits of the North-east including ULFA is directly related to market economics. A hand grenade now costs Rs 600 in illicit arms bazaar across Manipur in Myanmar.
This alarming information is part of a report ‘India and Arms Trade Treaty’ brought out by Oxfam, which was released here yesterday. The report quotes victims of ethnic riots in Karbi Anglong to cite instances of how insurgents used automatic weapons to target unarmed civilians.

The report has confirmed that North-east has emerged as a major destination of illegal arms, so much so that the known countries of origin of illicit arms uncovered in North-east includes China, US, Russia, Belgium, UK, Czeckhoslovakia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Thailand and Bangladesh.

If security forces fighting insurgency in the North-east are a harassed lot, the reason can be traced to neighbouring Myanmar. In illicit arms market in Tammu across Manipur’s Moreh town, a unit of ammunition of automatic weapon cost only Rs 25. The route used by the gunrunners is not very complex and is known to security agencies. The illegal arms are routed from Tammu to Churachandpur in Manipur from where it is transported to Dimapur in Nagaland for distribution in the rest of the North-east. The report says that India is part of a region that is flooded with arms. According to United Nations, India is home to about 40 million firearms. The primary source for the proliferation of weapons in South Asia was the first Afghanistan war, with further arms source in South East Asia.
The report quoting the Ministry of Home Affairs report said that some 39,000 AK series weapons have been seized in Jammu and Kashmir and North-east since 1990. Oxfam said that the biggest arms consignment to date was the Chittagong arms haul of April 2004. Giving out details, the report said that the shipment came via Hong Kong to Singapore. Confirming that the consignment was destined for rebels in the North-east, the haul was worth USD 4.5-7 million. The weapons were transported through Strait of Malacca and transferred mid-sea into two trawlers – Kazaddan and Amanat. Citing an example of the weapons stockpiled by the militant outfits, the Oxfam report said that United National Liberation Front (UNLF) of Manipur has over 2500 weapons in its armoury. The deadly arsenal includes grenade launchers, assault rifles, rocket propelled grenades, among other weapons. However, it is the North Indian State of Uttar Pradesh that has sent alarm bells ringing. The State has issued 9 lakh armed licences. “Guns shops are mushrooming in the State like PCOs,” the report said.

The lack of an international arms treaty is exacerbating the crisis by making it easier for criminals and militants in India to obtain weapons, the report has concluded. Curiously enough, the report has also held India responsible for aiding proliferation of arms to smaller neighbouring countries. India has the largest defence industry in the subcontinent. This makes the country’s state-owned munitions factories significant sources of arms to smaller countries like Nepal, Myanmar and Maldives. In 2003, India exported 80 Howitzers to Myanmar, whose Government has been described by ASEAN as an army-ruled country. The consignment was dispatched overland in Indian Army trucks from Eastern Command. India and Myanmar has close ties, which is reflected in a series of measures taken by both the countries to address each other's concerns like flushing out militants from its territories, access to prisoners, closer economic ties, among others.
Maj Gen Ghotra new colonel of Assam Regiment Assam Tribune
SHILLONG, Sept 21 – Major General Bhupinder Singh Ghotra today took over as the colonel of the regiment of 5 Gorkha Rifles (frontier force) from Lt Gen Richard Khare.

Major General Ghotra was commissioned into the 2/5 Gorkha Rifles (frontier force) in 1971 and commanded the battalion after he was commissioned.

He is presently holding the post of additional director general (procurement) at the integrated headquarters of union defence ministry (army), a defence release said here.

The handing-taking over ceremony was held at the 58 Gorkha training centre here. A guard of honour was also presented to the new colonel by the jawans of Gorkha Rifles after a brief Sainik Sanmelan.

Lt General Khare, holding the post of military secretary, would be retiring from service this month. – PTI

Meanwhile, Hav W Inunganba Singh of Assam Regimental Centre, who won the silver medal in Taolu (Wushu) at the recently-concluded 10th South Asian Federation games in Colombo, demonstrated his skill here at a defence auditorium today.

He participated in the 13th National Wushu championship in Jamshedpur and won gold. He repeated his feat in the event in the successive year held in Lucknow and has dominated the national circuit for the last two years.

Hav singh, enrolled in the Assam Regiment on March 10, 2004, was given a cash award of Rs 30,000 from the Eastern Command of Indian Army as an incentive. –PTI
ULFA breaks truce, one policeman killed in Assam By IANS
Guwahati, Sep 22 (IANS) A policeman was killed Friday in an encounter with suspected militants of the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), the first such attack since the cessation of hostilities between the rebels and security forces.
A police official said ULFA militants and police team were locked in a gunfight early Friday in Dibrugarh district, about 500 km east of Assam's main city of Guwahati.
'One policeman was killed in the attack. We are awaiting details of the incident as the village is located in a remote area,' a senior police official said. his is the first attack on security forces after New Delhi on Aug 13 announced suspension of military operations against the ULFA to facilitate holding of peace talks with the outfit.The ULFA too reciprocated the government's 'goodwill gesture' by announcing cessation of hostilities for an indefinite period.
The government's ceasefire, however, expired Wednesday although there were indications the centre might further extend the truce. Direct peace talks between the ULFA leadership and government peace negotiators have been a non-starter with the federal government seeking a formal letter from the outfit that it was ready for such talks.
The main issue now blocking the start of talks is the rebels' demand for release of five of their jailed leaders. The ULFA maintains the outfit was not in a position to take a decision and write a letter to the government without their five central committee leaders who are currently in jail and hence insisting on their release.
No bar to make secret killing report public when Assembly not in session’
Mahanta hits back Gogoi on ‘secret killings’ By a Staff Reporter Sentinel
GUWAHATI, Sept 21: Former Asom Chief Minister and AGP-P president Prafulla Kumar Mahanta today came down heavily on Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi for, what he called, the latter’s politically motivated and baseless remarks involving him in the ‘secret killings’ taken place during the erstwhile AGP regime. Besides, Mahanta reiterated that the report of the KN Saikia Commission, which probed the ‘secret killing’ cases, submitted to the Government should be made public without delay. “We have no objection if the Government tables the report in the State Assembly, but when the Assembly is not in session there is no bar to make the report public,” Mahanta said while talking to newsmen at the AGP-P office here today. Moreover, it is the duty of the Chief Minister to make the people of the State known about the outcome of the judicial probe, he added. Mahanta’s outburst came close on the heels of comments made by Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi yesterday that the ‘secret killings’ had taken place in the last AGP regime with Mahanta’s knowledge and connivance. Gogoi also said that as a former Chief Minister Mahanta should know that without tabling the report (KN Saikia Commission report) in the Assembly it could not be made public.
The former Chief Minister said, at a time when the regional forces in Asom have been engaged in parleys to get united, the Tarun Gogoi Government, sensing the danger ahead, is trying to tarnish the image of its rivals by using the ‘secret killing’ probe as a political tool. “From the very beginning, Gogoi has been trying to keep the ‘secret killing’ issue alive to corner me,” said Mahanta. The AGP-P questioned the reason behind the Government’s intention to keep the inquiry reports of the justice JN Sharma Commission and Justice KN Saikia Commission under the wrap. The party has also criticized, what it said, the inaction and doubled standards of the Government on various fronts ranging from drought to decentralization of power through the Panchayeti Raj system.
Contradicting the State Government’s claim of bringing highest Central funds to Asom, Mahanta said, the ground work of the present situation had actually been done by his Government. The Congress was never serious about the development of Asom, and whatever it has done so far for the State is out of political compulsion and pressure from the people of Asom, he added.
Degrees of separatism On the struggles for separation in the northeastern region. Frontline ABOUT 30 organisations described variously as terrorist, militant or insurgent, are active in Asom (formerly Assam) and other States in northeastern India. The South Asia Terrorism Portal actually identifies over a hundred `terrorist/insurgent groups' in the region.
Most of these are admittedly little more than names and signboards with poorly written constitutions, manifestos and charters of demands, engaged principally in extortion and racketeering. Many of these are nearly moribund. Others, with a little more substance to them and having a `greater autonomy' agenda are engaged sporadically in violent activities alternating with some kind of negotiations with the State/Central government.

About a dozen of the 30-odd `active' organisations are also engaged in `armed propaganda' that over the years has evolved into an `armed struggle' against the Indian state. While their stated objectives may differ, in their operational methods and organisational structures, they share some common features. All of them claim to represent the people and they are all, to varying degrees, separatist, indeed secessionist. All of them have, clearly or vaguely, spelt out agendas of attaining sovereignty, or what they perceive as the restoration of the sovereignty that was lost in the process of the transfer of power and the subsequent consolidation of the Indian state.

The most notable of these organisations are the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN). While ULFA seeks to restore the lost sovereignty of Asom - following British annexation of the territory after the defeat of the Burmese invasion and the signing of the Treaty of Yandabo on February 24, 1826 - the NSCN led by Isak Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah and two other Naga nationalist formations, all offshoots of the Naga sovereignty assertion initiated by the late Angami Zapu Phizo at the dawn of Indian Independence. The Naga people `declared their independence' on August 14, 1947, on the eve of India's independence. The oldest organisation engaged in `armed struggle' in Manipur is the United National Liberation Front (UNLF), though three or four other organisations are engaged in similar struggles for the restoration of Manipur's lost sovereignty (`the undemocratic and inequitable' Merger Agreement of October 15, 1949).

The history and geography of the territories involved being what they are, there are inescapably conflicting territorial issues involved in, and indeed integral to, the sovereignty aspirations. Ironically, this interface between sovereignty and territoriality impinges on all the States where these organisations are active, highlighting the fundamental contradictions of these sovereignty struggles. For instance, the Naga sovereignty struggle, were it to succeed in the way envisaged by the Naga nationalist organisations, would have the gravest implications for Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh as they now exist, and, potentially, for Myanmar as well.

How seriously do these organisations believe they can attain sovereignty, considering that their adversary is the Indian state? The leaderships of these organisations, sophisticated and well informed about history, know full well that in the larger Indian context their armed struggles have had very little impact on polity. Nearly half a century of `armed struggle' has not really advanced Naga aspirations for sovereignty.

One may well ask whether six to seven years of talks of every variety - direct and indirect, through emissaries and interlocutors and face-to-face meetings with representatives of the Government of India, including three or four Prime Ministers, in New Delhi and in foreign lands - have advanced these sovereignty aspirations. The only gain has been the legitimacy the de facto government of Nagalim has acquired, though the existence of such a government owes little to the protracted negotiations. The fact is that even the most belligerent of these separatist groups do not envisage the defeat of the Indian state by the `armed struggles'. Yet, they press on, unrelenting in their desire to secure their lost sovereignty.

According to received wisdom, a nation-state, even a very weak one, does not break up except under two conditions: defeat in war and occupation by a foreign enemy. India is simply too big and too powerful a country to be defeated in war, or allow for foreign occupation.

There are numerous instances of fragile nation-states continuing to remain united despite serious internal contradictions marked by conflicts related to ethnicity, language, religion and such other coordinates of classic disintegration of nation-states. But for Indian intervention, it is arguable whether the seemingly unviable state of Pakistan would have disintegrated despite the intense internal contradictions, which were exacerbated further by the lack of statesmanship of its leaders in both West and East Pakistan. On the other hand, there is also the example of the Soviet Union, as strong and centralised a state as one can imagine, collapsing without foreign intervention, defeat in war and occupation by enemy forces. While the subsequent disintegration of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was assisted considerably by foreign intervention, even in this case developments internal to the country were, in the final analysis, the decisive factor that contributed to the destruction of the federal republic. The modest and continuing gains made by the Catalonian autonomy movement in Spain and the rather more dramatic developments in Montenegro, which in a national referendum in May voted narrowly for secession and independence from Serbia, hold promises for separatist movements in the region.

It is interesting that the current campaign in Manipur for a plebiscite on the issue of Manipur's independence, proposed initially by the UNLF and since then taken up by several `civil society' organisations, followed closely, indeed almost conterminously, in the wake of the referendum in Montenegro. Among those who addressed such a plebiscite meeting in Imphal on June 6 was the titular king of Manipur, apart from other dignitaries such as a former Lok Sabha member, a former Human Rights Commissioner, the president of the Manipur Working Journalists' Union, leaders of political parties and several women leaders - always a potent force in Manipur.

An old song had this refrain: "Tell me what you want and I'll tell you what you get." It would be tempting to see in these words a neat summary of the opacity that characterises the stated stands of these separatist organisations and the Government of India. However, an organisation such as ULFA has never minced words. The only problem is that it is impossible to accept that this stated objective, the attainment of Swadhin Asom, is a realisable one, or that even ULFA really believes it is attainable through armed struggle, unless the kind of extraordinary circumstances that prevailed in the instances cited above can be replicated in this country. This is not on the cards.

However, the persistence in the face of `proven facts to the contrary' is not in the least irrational. Rather, such persistence can be understood if one realises that ULFA and its ideologues within Asom and in metropolitan centres in India and abroad and an amorphous `civil society' network entrenched for the most part in the developed countries of the West are of the view that conventional notions about the durability, indeed the very viability of the nation-state, even one that is strong and internally coherent and just in its governance, are no more valid in the brave new world of a globalised 21st century. Thus, notions of nation-state, national sovereignty, citizenship rights derived from a country's Constitution, indeed, the distinction between a citizen and a migrant who is not yet a citizen, securely demarcated borders and such things need to be turned upside down in this new dispensation of borderless territories and shared sovereignties. Such ideas, never canvassed in respect of nationality problems and struggles in first world countries, are bouncing around in every part of the region.

Seen in this perspective, arguments about whether separatist struggles, even when these become active insurgencies (such as the Naga struggle and the resolved Mizo struggle) can ever defeat the might of the Indian state are utterly irrelevant. Indeed, the talks and talks about talks, the unending hair-splitting over procedures and protocols, about whether the Government of India should first release the five imprisoned ULFA leaders or whether ULFA should first give in writing that it will attend the talks in the event of these leaders being released, are all mere exercises in sleight-of-hand and prestidigitation intended to obscure the real agenda.

The Indian state, in this perspective, is getting more and more enfeebled, unable to resolve the larger contradictions besetting it nationally. What the struggles of these marginalised nationalities in the marginal regions of the country need to do is to keep up the pressure, keep on chipping away. With the received ideas of the nation-state themselves losing their legitimacy, such `unviable' entities as the Indian state are bound to crack up and collapse even without external aggression, defeat in war and foreign occupation.
Such a reading of history informs the resolve of separatist organisations to carry on their struggles over generations. The reality that underlies the rhetoric: "We have fought for fifty years; we are prepared to fight for fifty more years," as Th. Muivah reportedly said in frustration over the lack of progress in the `Indo-Naga dialogue'. [M.S. PRABHAKARA, frontline]
Merger of Manipur with the dominion of India Sangai Express
By Waikhom Damodar Singh Contd from previous issue
The two independent Dominions of Countries were so born as an immediate outcome or result of the Act passed in the British Parliament under the name of Indian Independence Act, 1947 as had been mentioned earlier. Their creations were done as per provision laid down in the first para of the Act of which the 'seeds for the division' had already been 'sown' from the time of Viceroy, Minto of the much earlier period (from November 1905 to November 1910), according to whose reforms introduced under an Act known as Government of India Act, 1909 separate electorates from the Muslims in the country had been provided to serve the purpose of 'divide and rule' policy of the British for weakening the 'oneness' of the Indian people for their going against them for achieving their demand of 'full independence' for the country as one.
The Act so passed allowed all the Native States, some 500-600 in number, then existing in semi-independent status, till then to 'opt' for joining with 'Either' of the two dominions by merging along with their contiguous neighbouring provinces, or to remain as a separate state within the dominion, if considered 'viable' to do so from the political, financial and other essential points of views, and as such all of them at once joined and merged in the Dominion of India smoothly and quite peacefully by absorbing into their contiguous neighbouring provinces except the States of Hyderabad, Kashmir, Benaras, Tripura and Manipur.
In the case of the former two giant States, they were merged after they were forced to do so as a result of swift and unchallengeable military actions taken by the mighty Indian Army in the pretext of taking internal police actions, in the case of Hyderabad, and in the case of Kashmir, after a brief spell of war taken place with Pakistan who most aggressively intruded and assisted their tribesmen in their sudden raid carried out on the State, which by then was under the independent ruling of a Hindu King over a vast majority of Muslim subjects and the king who, greatly alarmed by their rapid aggression fully backed by Pakistan Army, at once 'acceded' his kingdom to the Indian Union and sought the immediate military assistance of the Govt of India and thus the action of the Indian Army had been taken till it was stopped by an intervention directed from the United Nations after which the State became recognised as a fully merged State within the Dominion of India minus a large area on the western sector that had been forcibly occupied by Pakistan as a part of their Dominion being known as the 'occupied Kashmir' for which the dispute between the two dominions of India and Pakistan is still dragging on unsettled.
In fact, the dispute very adamantly raised still by Pakistan is on the issue of claiming the entire State of Kashmir to be acceded to her on the basis of having its vast majority of Muslim population like that of having a majority of Hindu population in the case of Hyderabad under a Muslim ruler, the Nizam.
The accession of Kashmir done by its Hindu Maharaja was immediately ratified by Sheikh Abdullah, leader of the All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference, an organisation who enjoyed popular support. Sheikh Abdullah became the Prime Minister, a special status, of the merged State of Kashmir and in November 1956 its Constituent Assembly legalised her status as being the 'de facto' integral part of the dominion of India. Had it not been due to the timely, swift and highly commendable service and action of the gallant troops of the Indian army, particularly of the Air-borne troops under the command of the most able and well know, Brigadier Thimaya, Kashmir would have been, perhaps in the map of Pakistan by now, and in that case what could have been the actual 'scenario' of relationship in between the two countries by now, particularly in their spirits of 'hostilities' is the 'billion dollar' question that keeps everyone highly guessing and wondering.
The accession of Hyderabad, the biggest State in India, with the India union, was not effected without bloodshed. The State with a Muslim ruler and a large majority of Hindu population, just the opposite to that of Kashmir, entered into a year's stand-still agreement with the Indian Union on 29 November, 1947. As a result of the Agreement, Indian troops were withdrawn, but the Hyderabad police force and the local Razakar troops under Syed Kasim Razvi took complete control over the civil population.
Moreover, the Nizam demanded an outlet to the sea and the port of his choice was Goa. The Government of India tried to persuade Hyderabad to immediately accede to the Indian Union and accordingly prepared a Draft Agreement for that purpose. The growing violence of the Razakar troops in Hyderabad and smuggling of arms from foreign Governments precipitated a great crisis. The Govt of India demanded the immediate disband-ment of the Razakar troops and the deployment of the Indian troops at Secunderabad. But the Nizam, who had sought intervention of the United Nations, refused to accept these terms. —To be contd


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