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09/19/2006: "Quit Notice’ area extended- Nagaland Post Opinion"


Quit Notice’ area extended- Nagaland Post Opinion
In a sharpest and visible determination to crackdown terrorism, the NSCN has unanimously condemned the terrorist-sponsored NGOs like the Angami Public Organization, the Tenyimia Central Council, the NISC and NSG for posing as the greatest threat to the Nagas sovereignty. The NSCN (GPRN) has seriously weighed the inimical languages of these NGOs and classified them as "detrimental loudspeakers of terrorist hypocrites".
Responding to the demands of the anti-Nagas and as another pre-emptive strategy against the terrorist and terrorist-sponsored NGOs, the remaining other region of the NSCN have decided to issue "QUIT NOTICE" to Tangkhuls in the region of the Zeliangrong, Yimchunger, Phom, Khiamniungan, Shepoumaramth, Amamcht, Pangmi, Thungniu, Union Territory-I (Dimapur), Union Territory-II (Athibung areas), and Union Territory-III (Tirap and Changlang). The regions of Sumi, Lotha, Konyak, Ao, Angami, Chakhesang, United Sangtam Region and Tisary region issued the first "Quit Notice" to Tangkhuls.
Terrorists and nationalists (NSCN) cannot co-exist and they must develop separately and thus, the "Quit Notice" to Isak-Khodao (IK) terrorists alias the private soldiers of Neiphiu Rio. The regions existing under NSCN (GPRN) has also decided to exclude Ukhrul, the homeland of the Tangkhuls from the political map of Nagaland to give a new impetus to Indo-Naga Myanmar political issue.
The NSCN (GPRN) led by S.S Khaplang and N. Kitovi Zhimomi informs the NISC, NSG and terrorists-sponsored NGOs that, "America and Europe has destroyed Afghanistan and Iraq with the lame excuse of Weapons of Mass Destruction (EMD) and the Al Qaida for the deaths of 2973 at the World Trade Center on 9/11 then, can the Americans and Europeans expect the Nagas and NSCN to forgive the Isak-Khodao terrorist for massacring more than ten thousands Nagas to please the government of India, their pay masters in lieu of Indian currency"?
The NSCN has appealed to the Nagas to maintain calm and join the nationalistic march to freedom. Cautiously, the Nagas in Dimapur and Kohima must be on alert as these Tangkhuls could be planning another terrorist attacks that shook the train station and Hongkong market at Dimapur earlier. NSCN has not directed to Tangkhuls to abandon Ukhrul but to leave Nagaland and this is the NSCN's logistic message that must be firmly understood by the world communities. The NSCN (GPRN) has decided to join the United Nations in the fight on "War on Terror" and uniformly, the NSCN is prepared to assist the UN forces in grilling all forms of terrorism in the region.
Kiungham Yimchunger Regional chairman Yimchunger region, NSCN
Shempal Khiamniungan, Caretaker Khiamniungan Region, NSCN
Mowba Regional Chairman Thungniu Region, NSCN Lena
Territorial Chairman Union Territory-II (Athibung-Dimapur), NSCN
Angkan Pangmi, Pangmi Region, NSCN
Anthony, Incharge, Zeliangrong Region, NSCN
Sani, Regional Chairman Shepoumaramth Region
Capt. Winky, Regional Chairman Amamcht Region, NSCN
Namchung Phom, Regional Chairman
Phom Region, NSCNP. Tekhak, Caretaker
UT-III (Tirap-Changlang) Maj. Asheto Chishi, Operation Commander
UT- I (Dimapur), NSCN
Let Isak and Muivah reply to Gen Kholi’ The Morung Express
DIMAPUR, SEPT 18 (MExN): Pointing out that both NSCN (K) Chairman SS Khaplang and Commander-in-Chief Gen Kholi Konyak are contemporaries of Isak Chishi Swu and Th Muivah, Senior NSCN (K) Kilonser Athrom Konyak as such while responding to the NSCN (IM) reply to Gen Kholi’s statement, requested that as contemporaries, Isak and Muivah should give reply to what Gen Kholi has written. “Let them reject, accept or comment on the statement of Gen Kholi Konyak. Those who are writing blindly against the writing of one of the surviving senior most freedom fighters should be ashamed of their positions in and contribution to the National cause”, Kilonser Athrom stated in a press communiqué adding that “not to talk of the length of their services, but even their ages are not even half of the length of Gen Kholi’s national service”.
While admitting that from the educational point of view, Isak and Muivah are far more qualified than Khaplang and Kholi, “but in national service SS Khaplang and Gen Kholi are much senior to Isak and Th Muivah”. “In age they are almost equal”, the Kilonser added.
In regard to the crimes and split of the NSCN in 1988, the Kilonser pointed out that there are still hundreds of eye witnesses of the happenings in 1988 in the NSCN under SS Khaplang while claiming that there may be only two or three persons in the NSCN (IM) who were present during the 1988 crisis. “All those so called leaders in the I-K set up were on the western part of Nagaland during the time of the crisis viz Angelus Shimrah, Rh Raising, Khoyo Hurray, A. Puni etc. Only VS Atem came to eastern sector only during the later part of the crisis”, Kilonser Athrom stated while pointing out that what the NSCN (IM) leaders were talking about (crisis) are only “hearsay and tell tale without knowing the facts and figures”. Then who is the competent and rightful person to respond or comment on the statement of Gen Kholi Konyak?” the Kilonser stated and instead wanted that NSCN (IM) Chairman and the General Secretary were the right persons and in the best position to reply to Gen Kholi.
We don’t take Delhi’s help, NSCN (I-M) clarifies The Morung Express
DIMAPUR, SEPT 18 (MExN): The NSCN (I-M) today clarified that it had at no point of time taken any form of financial help or assistance from the Government of India. “The Government (GPRN) does not disburse salaries to its workers. The services rendered to the nation by patriotic workers are honorary and voluntary,” an MIP press release issued by the organization’s Section Officer named Kiyeshe said.
“The gloomy part of divisive and misleading champions is that they do not realize that the Naga national workers also wear clothes and eat food to sustain,” he said. The rank and file of the NSCN (I-M) is just about supported by the GPRN to remain and work for the national cause with meager resources “and not left to steal, extort or carry out anti-social activities like the false Pharisees and their pawns,” the release said. The NSCN (I-M) maintained that the very notion of being assisted by Delhi is an “illusive figment of drained policies to mislead the people by antagonists. The GPRN is in dialogue with the GoI as two different principled entities/nations engaged to find an honorable solution to the vexed Indo-Naga political issue.”
The organization further questioned the NNC/FGN by saying that “if they proclaim themselves as proponents of the Naga issue and assert that they are not dancing to the tunes of our enemies, why cannot they end their tirades of false, demeaning and undignified paper wars to humiliating the Nagas in the eyes of the world?” The NSCN (I-M) also termed their rivals’ ‘media campaigns’ as ‘non-stop usual ugly’ habits.
‘Quit notice’ extended to Dimapur The Morung Express
DIMAPUR SEPT 18 (MExN): The NSCN (K) has extended the ‘Quit notice’ to Tangkhuls in Dimapur region besides areas of Zeliangrong, Yimchunger, Phom, Khiamniungan, Shepourmaramth and Amamncht; Pangmi, Thungniu, Athibung, Tirap and Changlang in response to what it termed as another preventive strategy against the “terrorists”. This latest quit notice comes in the backdrop of an earlier similar notice issued for the Sumi, Lotha, Konyak, Ao, Angami, Chakhesang, Sangtam and Tisary regions.
To go with the quit notice, the regions existing under NSCN (K) have decided to exclude Ukhrul (Home land of Tangkhuls) from the political map of Nagaland to give a new movement to Indo-Naga-Myanmar political issue. The NSCN (K) also clarified that they have not directed the Tangkhuls to abandon Ukhrul but to leave Nagaland and stated that it must not be misunderstood. They have further appealed to the Nagas to maintain calm and join what it termed as “the nationalistic march to freedom”. They also cautioned the Nagas in Dimapur and Kohima to be alert as they felt that the NSCN (IM) could be planning another “terrorist attacks like the pervious incidents that happened in Dimapur Train Station and Hongkong market”.
The NSCN (K) also informed that they have decided to join the United Nations in the fight on ‘War on terror’ and they are prepared to aid the UN forces in grilling all forms of terrorism in the region. Meanwhile, the NSCN (K) condemned what it described as “the terrorist-sponsored NGO’s like the Angami Public Organization, the Tenemiya Central council, the NISC and NSG for posing the greatest threat to the Naga sovereignty”. “The NSCN (GPRN) has seriously weighed the inimical languages of these NGO’s and classified them as determined loudspeakers of terrorist hypocrites” and also felt that the terrorists and Nationalist (NSCN) cannot co-exist therefore they felt relevant to issue the ‘Quit notice’ to Isak-Khodao (IK).
It may be mentioned that the above statement was issued by Kiungham Yimchunger, Regional Chairman of Yimchunger Region, Shempai Khiamniungan, Caretaker, Khiamniungan Region, Sani, Regional Chairman, Mowon, Regional Chairman, Thungniu Region and Captain Winky, Regional Chairman, Amamncht Region; Lena, Territorial Chairman, Union Territory-II (Athibung-Dimapur), Namchung Phom, Regional Chairman, Phom Region, Angkan Pangmi, Regional Chairman, Pangmi Region, P.Tekhak, Caretaker, UT-III (Tirap-Changlang), Anthony, Incharge, Zeliangrong Region and Major Asheto Chishi, Operation commander, UT-I (Dimapur).
Indo-Myanmar intl border to be fenced The Morung Express
NEW DELHI, SEPT 18 (UNI): The Union Home Ministry has taken up various measures to accelerate the fencing works along the Indo-Myanmar border to check illegal drug trafficking in the region. Recently a three-member Indian delegation, headed by Border Cell director M C Tiwari and Ministry of Home Affairs deputy secretary Balwant Singh, had visited the border areas to investigate the proposed border fencing in the region, official sources said in Aizawl on Monday.
According to the proposed plans, the first phase of the fencing work will be taken up near Moreh town in Manipur, along the porous Indo-Myanmar border. Besides, other parts of the international border would also be fenced. Sources said the Survey of India with its Myanmar counterpart will carry out the survey and demarcation works for the fencing. A consultative meeting on border fencing was held recently. It was attended by the additional chief secretary (Border Management) of the Union Home Ministry R R Shirohi, Home Affairs director B K Pathak, Asom Rifles representatives and Border Roads Organisation (BRO) officials.
The Planning Commission has also emphasised the need for construction of a parallel road along the entire length of Indo-Myanmar border. Only 52 km out of the 1,643 km stretch of international border with Myanmar is manned by Indian security forces.
Manipur Assembly debate on NBSE affiliation Government cannot concede demand of Naga NGOs: Minister Newmai News Network Imphal | September 18
Manipur’s Education Minister L. Nandakumar Singh today renewed his appeal to Naga NGOs to withdraw their campaign for adoption of Nagaland text book, maintaining that the government could not concede to the demand. The campaign being launched by All Naga Students Association of Manipur (ANSAM) in the hill districts of Ukhrul, Senapati, Chandel and Tamenglong came up for discussion on the concluding day of the state assembly today after Federal Party of Manipur (FPM) MLA L. Ibomcha Singh raised a motion to draw the attention of the Chief Minister, O. Ibobi Singh and the Education Minister on the issue.
Nandakmar Singh who headed a state delegation to Union HRD Minister Arjun Singh recently to apprise the development in the four hill districts remained firm on the government stand that teaching of Nagaland text books in Manipur was impossible.
He said that if any students in the districts want to enroll in other schools not affected by the text book campaign, the government is ready to bail them out and make arrangements for their admission.
Stating that the development has put the future and career of a large number of students in danger Nandakumar Singh said the government is fully seized with the problem and efforts are on to find an amicable solution. He also said that the government has taken elaborate arrangements for protection of schools in the hill districts to prevent any violent activity by the Naga NGOs. He also sought suggestions from all sections of the people so that the matter could be resolved peacefully.
Initiating the discussion MLA L. Ibomcha Singh suggested that a ministerial delegation comprising Naga MLAs be sent to the four hill districts for holding talks with the agitating Naga NGOs to find a solution. He said that following the campaign the academic atmosphere in the districts has been severely affected. Responding to the suggestion Nandakumar Singh informed the House that the government would consider the suggestion. Ibomcha Singh proposed for exploration of possibilities of inclusion of some lessons of the Nagaland text book in the Manipur Board text books, if these lessons are good and better. He also appealed to MLAs elected from the hills to contribute in the government effort for resolving the text book row.
Ministerial team for talks on textbook tussle proposed The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Sep 18: Stressing on the immediate need for bringing an amicable solution to the textbook issue, the opposition MLA L Ibomcha Singh proposed formation of a delegation comprising of ministers and MLAs to hold talk with the agitating Naga NGOs which are demanding implementation of Nagaland Board textbooks in private schools in the four hill districts of Ukhrul, Senapati, Chandel and Tamenglong.

The opposition MLA mooted this proposal during a call attention motion on the penultimate day of the 15th session of the 9th Manipur Legislative Assembly session.

In his reply to Ibomcha`s Call Attention motion, the education minister L Nandakumar assured the House that the state government will actively consider the proposal of the Opposition MLA and look into what action could be taken up in this regard. The education minister also informed the House that state government has taken up adequate security measures to prevent further loss of government properties in the wake of the intense agitations in the four hill districts of the state.

While reiterating that the demand for introduction of Nagaland Board textbooks in schools of Manipur is nonachiavable, the education minister said the current movement being initiated by the ANSAM and some Naga NGOs will end up spoiling the career of students in the four hill districts. The education minister also appealed to ANSAM and other NGOs which are initiating textbook movement to reconsider their stance and withdraw the agitation in larger interest of the students. Ealier, raising his motion during Zero Hour, the Federal Party of Manipur, MLA reiterated that textbooks prescribed by the Nagaland board cannot be taught outside Nagaland state as is same in the case for the textbook prescribed by the BSEM, which cannot be taught in schools beyond the state of Manipur.
Calling attention of the House, L Ibomcha Singh expressed regret that most of the government schools in Ukhrul and Senapati remained paralysed due to the ongoing strike by the Naga NGOs.

Students in these schools are in the middle of nowhere as they are left in a situation where they could not decide on their own as to whether they are to follow instructions of the NGOs initiating the textbook movement or choose to stick to the schools where BSEM are taught, Ibomcha said.
Though the Opposition MLA reiterated that the demand for implementation of Nagaland Board textbook in nonachiavable, Ibomcha however observed that a legislation could be framed so that some textbooks prescribed by the Nagaland Board could be taught in schools of Manipur on optional basis.
ULFA talks NagaLand Post
NEW DELHI, SEPt 18 (PTI): With the deadline of ceasefire with ULFA nearing an end, the Centre is still awaiting written response from the banned outfit on having direct talks. While Home Ministry officials were still "hopeful" of some written communication by Wednesday, the last date of the four-time extended ceasefire, the outlawed organisation was still pressing for release of its five senior leaders from jail, a demand unlikely to be met by the Centre.
"There are still two days to go," a senior Home Ministry official today said when asked if the banned outfit had sent any communication to the Centre.
The Home Ministry, which has been anchoring the ceasefire, has been facing opposition from the army, which is engaged in the counter-insurgency operations in the northeast.
The army contends that ULFA was only buying time to regroup so that they could increase the strikes against the armed forces.
The Centre had on Friday extended by another five days the suspension of army operations against the ULFA in Assam to give the banned group more time to provide a commitment about participating in direct talks.
As such the Home Ministry is waiting for a written communication from the ULFA to join direct talks. The government had earlier suspended army operations against the ULFA till September 15. The latest extension has been granted as National Security Advisor M K Narayanan, accompanying Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on his foreign tour, would be back and continue with his key role in the talks with ULFA-nominated mediators, including noted Assamese writer Indira Goswami.
Indian troops exchange lessons with US Army Audrey McAvoy The Morung Express
Forty Indian soldiers in jungle camouflage descend on a mock village in the central Oahu mountains, hunting for insurgents. American officers watch for lessons they can apply when leading their own soldiers through the same course on a U.S. Army training ground. The troops are in the island for the biggest joint drills the Indian and U.S. armies have had to date, the latest sign of growing military relations between the two nuclear powers.
The bilateral exercise, called “Yudh Abhyas,” or “Training for War” in Hindi, started four years ago with a handful of Indian and U.S. soldiers. It has since ballooned to involve hundreds of troops, including 140 Indians who flew to Hawaii, which hosts the U.S. Pacific Command whose reach extends to their homeland.
“It’s a tremendous expansion,” said Col. Dinesh Singh, of the Indian army’s 3rd Battalion, 9th Gurkha Rifles. He added the exercises were now teaching platoons from the two nations how to talk to each other in the field, moving beyond the basics of training individual soldiers. “We work on larger issues at this stage. We’re trying to work on commonalities,” Singh said. “If you’re talking about interoperability, this is the basic thing. We should be able to understand each other’s actions.”
The U.S.-Indian military relationship is relatively young, with the two sides having had little interaction during the Cold War when socialist India was closer to the Soviet Union. They found more common ground in the 1990s, a trend that accelerated after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks which led the United States to seek India as a partner in the fight against terrorism.
Analysts say the United States is eager to deepen military ties with India to learn some of the counterinsurgency methods India’s military has cultivated during its long battle against Muslim separatists in Kashmir. The Americans also want India’s large navy to help patrol the seas for terrorists and pirates, analysts say. There is also a U.S. desire to use India to balance China’s growing power and influence, said Itty Abraham, research fellow with the East-West Center in Washington, D.C. “From the government’s point of view, India has become, though people in Washington won’t admit it so openly – it’s not a nice thing to say – America’s counterweight to China,” said Abraham. “So anything that increases U.S.-India ties – military, business, cultural, media, any of that stuff – is moving in the right direction as far as Washington is concerned.”
India, meanwhile, is eager to learn from the world’s most technologically advanced military. Donald L. Berlin, a professor at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu, said India also believes a closer relationship with the United States will help it become a bigger power in the Indian Ocean, South Asia, and in the world. The friendship has its obstacles though.
The U.S. Congress still has not approved an agreement signed by the two nation’s leaders in March that allows U.S. civil nuclear trade with India in return for safeguards and inspections at India’s 14 civilian nuclear plants. Supporters say the deal strengthens a strategic relationship with a friendly country that has long maintained a responsible nuclear program. Plus it would provide clean energy to a country desperate to fuel a booming economy.
Critics counter that the plan encourages the spread of nuclear weapons and fans an India-Pakistan nuclear arms race by effectively giving U.S. recognition to India’s nuclear weapons program. They also complain the agreement does not allow for inspections at India’s eight military plants. Such concerns were remote at Schofield Barracks, however.
Maj. Bob Risdon, who designed the exercises for the U.S. Army’s 1st Battalion, 21st Infantry Regiment, said U.S. troops could learn from how Indian forces requested homeowners to lead them on searches of their homes. They were less intrusive in searching people’s homes and cars, a tactic that could help when you are trying to make the local population trust you, he said.
“You can figure out a lot about people that way, too. You can figure out if they’re trying to hide something,” Risdon said. Lt. Col. Matt Kelley, the 1st Battalion commander, said the way Indians ambushed and disarmed two insurgents impressed him. American troops, in the same drill, simply shot and killed the men, he said. “They’ve just gained huge intelligence value from that – instead of killing them, they’ve captured them,” Kelley said. “All our guys said whoa – we’d never do that. We could do it.”
Singh, the Indian army commander, said he valued the heightened reality of the U.S. designed exercises, which forced troops to react quickly and rely on their reflexes. Military planners say the joint exercises are getting more complex each year as the two nations find more ways to work together.
“India is the world’s largest democracy. They’re a strategic partner for the United States and an important friend for the United States,” said Col. Mark Haskins, the U.S. Pacific Command’s South Asia policy chief. Source: The Associated Press
Wake up hill brethren The Morung Express
Of late there have been numerous accusations by tribal organisations from within and beyond the state against the Government of Manipur, more often singling out the Chief Minister for being a Meitei and sometimes targeting those settled in the valley areas on any matter that is detrimental to the diverted aspiration of the NSCN (IM).
It is an irony that even non-state entities had jumped into the slam-Manipur Government voices under the pretext of protecting rights of the Nagas and their unique history.
While it is the rightful choice of those parties to protect Nagas’ right it seems there is no substantial evidence of point out the so-called ‘unique history’. In my opinion, the only uniqueness of Nagas’ history is they never enjoyed the bond of togetherness in any form other than the well documented history on being head-hunters – seldom thinking twice before drawing their swords (daos) to settle land disputes, with the latter phenomenon even continuing in this modern age as could be established from the ongoing row in Jessami area, Mao-Khuzama border and the periodical skirmishes between the Konyak and Chang tribes of Nagaland to name a few.
In the modern parlance, the only thing common to the hill tribes of Nagaland and Manipur is that they have embraced Christianity, thanks to the colonial Britishers who tamed the wildness of the hill settlers with the compassionate preaching of the Lord Jesus Christ.
In fact, regarding history, tribal people of Manipur have similarities more closer to the Meiteis in terms of tradition and culture, with the exception of religion – the Meiteis converted into Hindus through promulgations of the ancient rulers (kings) and the tribal people drawn into Christianity after the arrival of British missionaries. If the onslaughts against the Manipur Government is carried out to further the covert agenda of NSCN (IM) but is not made public the said organisations frequently rely on the theory of ‘discriminatory attitude’ of the Government and lack of development in the hill districts.
While it would be far from convincing to prove that Manipur Government had indeed discriminated the people of the hill areas it is worth noting that barring Imphal which is the capital of Manipur there are numerous pockets in the valley districts too where development is still a far cry away. For instance absence of all-weather roads, lack of clean drinking water, crumbling school buildings, poor health care facilities etc are also common sights in the valley districts.
Merely travelling on the national and state highways that passes through the capital districts and assuming that some of the well maintained roads symbolises development would be naive and premature conclusion as it need no explanation that capital area deserve to have better facilities – if not the best – compared to the districts. The towering street lamps in some areas of the capital may present like a well-maintained city street by day-time but travel on these stretches at night and one will witness that there is hardly any light to lit up the lamps.
Assuming that development funds meant for sprucing up hill district areas are diverted to maintain Imphal city is most misconceived notion and certainly invite severe criticism as like any other states of the country capital area are destined to be kept in a palatable manner. If not convinced with this brief explanation I am afraid some people might accuse New Delhi of daylight robbery as the national capital have facilities unimaginable to the people of Manipur.
One thing that may draw my hill brethren’ attention in concluding that Imphalites are enjoying brighter life might be bikes and mopeds whizzing through the Imphal streets. But please do make enquiries and it will come to thy light that parents here have to spend their lifetime’s saving to satisfy their wards’ niggling demands – some families even having to trade off their lands in purchasing the expensive motors. These are some of the gloomy facts behind ‘Imphal shining’. Well, regarding hill areas lagging behind, please investigate how many Ministers, MLAs, bureaucrats and influential Govt officers have their palatial homes in the valley areas besides at their native places – even though they may comparably be less distinct or attractive.
Make a survey of some settlement areas of hill people in Imphal areas and I am sure those sentimental brothers would not find it too hard to speculate from what sources were the palatial buildings of these Ministers and bureaucrats built.
It would be better if my dear brothers put their house in order before blaming the valley people for their woes. Valley areas survive due to its congested nature of population concentration. Economy of a land does not necessarily mean dependence on geographical sizes but the people among whom money change hands for more sustainable growth. Beware of those anti-Manipur propagandists for they would not hesitate to take the people for a ride in order to get some monetary gains that could enable them to buy land and build houses at Imphal!
In addition to 20 legislators making up the 60 member strong state assembly and currently two MPs out of three belonging to the hill communities, top district administrators have substantial representation of non-Meitei officers.
It is also worth remembering that before the dark phase of ethnic cleansing of the Kukis the word ‘Naga’ was very much alien in Manipur where the hill people have their distinct identity and religious practices. On joining of Nagaland-based organisations in bashing the Manipur government and the majority Meiteis would it not be wiser to take up the cause of villagers living in remote areas there rather than being misinformed by their Manipur cahoots?
For example, with the exception of Kohima and Dimapur there is hardly any district in that state where there is no problem of drinking water, roadways, medical facilities, educational institutions, some of the grievances common to rural folks of Manipur as well.
A recent report published in newspapers here cited NSF alleging that hill people have suffered a lot at the hands of the Meiteis.What misconducts Meiteis had committed against their hill brethren would be reasonable if the accusations could be elaborated.
In my observation the only suffering hill people faced against the Meiteis is in the competitive field of games and sports, education, technical studies, medical lines, cultural exposition, craftsmanship etc and in no sense these are inhumane treatment. Sportspersons of Manipur (say Meiteis) have proved beyond doubt their calibre in the national and international arena while those produced from the hill areas are still countable on the fingertips.
These sporting exploits do not necessary mean the Meiteis enjoy better facilities as sports equipment available in the capital districts are equally accessible to the many hill youths settled here. Talent is secondary in sports as it is the willingness and grit to tolerate extreme pressure and workload in the practice rooms/playfields that determines the final outcome of being able to compete with the best. NSF may also be enlightened that there is no question of imposing Meitei will upon the hill students as the hill students are given the options of either studying Manipuri language in the form of roman script or pursue any major Indian language of their choice.
Moreover, what is the need to cry hoarse when a particular community desires to promote its own indigenous dialect and script which is equal to protecting its culture and tradition.
Similarly, prescribing ‘phaneks’ for female students is not tantamount to imposing Meitei culture on others as such an attire is an integral part of the hill people’s dress from time immemorial.
Opposing ‘phaneks’ as uniform in educational institutions is akin to contending that jeans and tops were associated with non-Meitei communities of Manipur. Section of the hill community blaming the Meiteis for lack of medical personnel in the hills are uncalled for as seats are reserved for scheduled tribe candidates for medical studies.
Similar provisions are there for STs during recruitment in any State Government departments including Home and Education sector.
The recent conduct of some organisations spearheading burning of Manipur board text-books also lacks justification as on the one hand a group is campaigning for introduction of Nagaland board text-books while on the other some hill NGOs are demanding cent percent recruitment of teachers – in the Manipur Government department – belonging to the hill districts.
Does this exercise of adopting Nagaland prepared text book mean that Nagas of Manipur would also opt for jobs in the neighbouring state or would launch phases of agitation to demand Government services in Manipur? This exercise is nothing short of provoking the people here.
I’m really sad to learn that the recently discovered Nagas of Manipur are determined to abandon their forefathers by preferring to embrace Nagaland text-books which only lead to backtracking from the road to mental development of the children.
In short, how could Tangkhuls justify that they are ethnically, historically and culturally closer to the people of Nagaland? Nagaland already has countless tribal groups and I don’t think many of them would be willing to split their share with the people having their roots in the soil of Manipur. Enquire what recruitment procedures is laid down in entering Nagaland Government services and one can confirm that Maos, Tangkhuls, Zeliangrongs and of course Meiteis have to change their names, discard their qualifications, relevant documents etc to get a job there.
In the pursuit for Naga unification, would it not be appropriate if some of the agitation sponsors instruct their brothers, sisters, uncles and aunties to give up their jobs in the Manipur Government department. This will be highly appreciated even by their adversaries. Or for that matter it will be more justifiable if bodies unhesitatingly crippling Manipur’s economy by choking National Highways connecting the State carry out their objective in a democratic, transparent and impartial manner instead of pasting clearance papers on window panes or carrying flags on goods-laden trucks that signals blockade enforcers to ensure smooth passage of certain loaded trucks bound for hill district locations, mostly Senapati district.
Last but not the least Meiteis are tolerating all the abuses not for the fear of physical prowess but it clearly symbolises or reflects maturity as they (Meiteis) are fully aware of the fact that some vested interest are trying to lit communal fire so that NSCN (IM), by twisting historical facts, could convince the central government that Meiteis and self-acclaimed Manipuri Nagas cannot live together as one. This is just a lame excuse for the NSCN-IM’s failed endeavour to achieve sovereignty. Most of the IM leaders, thanks to the ceasefire have become pot-bellied with some indelible factors and causes being rampant extortions from trucks of Manipur.
S Mobicha Thangmeiband, Imphal
Traditional religion of the Meitei By Dr Angom Shyam Sangai Express
Vaishnavism is of comparatively recent origin in Manipur. This religion came to the land in a most unexpected manner from the east in 1470 AD. (Shakabda 1392) Thangwan Ningthouba king of Manipur, better known by his reign-name Kyamba, the conqueror of Kyang (1467-1508 AD) and his all Choupha Khekkhomba, king of Pong, conquered Kyang Khambat (a Shan Kingdom in Kabow valley) with a combine force. They shared its territories. After this, there is an interesting story or history about the advent of Vaishnavism in Manipur. As part of the celebration of victory, they exchanged presents, and one of the presents received from the Pong King was a little stone image of Vishnu riding on the back of Garuda and holding the usual weapons and the lotus. It was given in a casket.
King Kyamba once fell sick and no physician could diagnose his sickness. The oracles were consulted and advice was received through Maibis or Amaibis (Priestess) that the king could be diagnosed if worship was offered to Lord Vishnu. Some Brahamins who were well acquainted with puja (ritual) of Lord Vishnu that were available in Manipur in those days.
The King was diagnosed through the proper worship of Vishnu. Thus began the regular worship of Lord Vishnu in the palace of the king and a brick Mandir or temple was built in the palace at Lamang-dong. In the later part of history, this palace Lamangdong was known as Vishnupur (land of Vishnu). Although the worship continued, the King Kyamba was not initiated into the new sect.
During the reign of King Khagemba (1597-1652 AD) in 1635 AD a new feature was introduced in the annual Hiyang Tannaba (boat races). A special boat was set apart for the image of Lord Vishnu mentioned above, supposedly for the lai to witness the festival. Like King Kyamba, Khagemba was not initiated in Vaishnavism too. The worship of Lord Vishnu was found non-stop in various stages of the history of Manipur.
Pitambar Charairongba was the first Manipuri king to be formally initiated to Vaishnavism. In 1619 Charairongba was inclined to the Madhavcharya sect of Vaishnavism, so he began to worship the Radha Krishna. But he never attempted to impose to this new faith upon his people. Charairongba erected the statue of Panthoibi and the Laiwa Haiba (Sanamahi). The new faith, Vaishnavism became the dominant religion of Manipur during the reign of Garib Niwas (1709-1748). To the royal will of Pamheiba, the monarch in whose reign the fortune of the State reach their zenith, Hinduism owes its present position as the official religion of the state.
At first the decrees of the king received but little obedience and the opposition to the change central mainly round the numerous members of the royal family who were supported not unnaturally, by the maibas, the priests of the older religion. Religious dissent was treated with the ruthless severity as was meted out to political opponents, and wholesale banishments and execution drove the people into acceptance of the tenets of Hinduism. However, there is evidence of early Vaishnava influence on the people of Manipur.
Some Brahmins came from the west and settled in this land during the reign of King Kyamba in the 15th century AD but they did not have significant impact on the life of the Meiteis in absence of any help from the king. Brahmins of different place continued their migration presumably with the permission of the kings of the Meiteis. This increased by leaps and bounds in Manipur.
MT Kennedy says that Vaishnavism of the Chaitanya sect was introduced in Manipur as early as the 17th century. During the reign of Charairongba, he paid respects to the old faith and temples were created in honours of the lais (Gods) of the traditional religion. This shows that he loved the traditional faith so much in place of the new faith.
After his death, his son Pamheiba became the king of Manipur in 1709 AD. He was pro-Hinduism. He wanted to initiate into Vaishnavism. As a result of this, he was initiated into this new faith by Guru Gopal Das. The King Pamheiba punished those who were anti-Hindu dietary laws. This proselytizing of King Garib-Niwas displaced the traditional deities. Thus he destroyed several temples of Umang-lais and broke down the statues of several deities namely Sanamahi and other Umanglais. In lieu of traditional deities and places, he put Hindu gods or names such as Mong-bahanba Laishang to Mahabali Mandir (temple of Hanuman Thakur), Imoinu to Laxmi, Lamang-dong to Bishnupur, ec. In the later part of Garib Niwas's reign, a Brahmin called Shantidasa, came to Manipur from Syllet and began to preach Vaish-navism.
After converted, he severely persecuted not only the followers of the traditional religion but also those who belonged to the other sect of Vaishnavism. Through the resentment of Shantidasa, the king collected all the puyas (written record of the Meitei traditions) and ancestral records. Those puyas were burnt at Kangla, the palace of the Meitei Kingdom. Then by a royal decree books and those records in Meiteis scripts were banned. Maichous - the priests as well as the scholars who were in possession of the ancient text went to remote areas of the hill and the plain to keep their treasure concealed.
It is a long journey in the history of the Meiteis Vaishnavism influences the traditional religion of the Meiteis in various ways such as mainly in religion, education, social system, untouchability etc. In many ways Vaishnavism plays very important role in the life of Meiteis. The co-existence of Vaishnavism and the traditional faith of the Meiteis was uneasy for some time, but slowly began the process of assimilation and the result was the Hindunisation of the Meitei faith.
Vaishnavism is a mixture of ballets and rites. In many fundamental points there are some similarities between Vaishnavism and the traditional religion of the Meiteis. Both of them claim to have grown out of a divine tradition.
The Vedas are the foundation and footprint of the Hindu religion. So it is also believed that they are not of human compositions of formations and the Rishis of the Vedas are not the real authors like Hinduism, the faith of the Meiteis too has no particular author. However, there were persons of divine arrangement who enlightened people about the Gods and their functions.
Manipur Hinduism gradually became a synthesis of the old Meiteis religion with its gods and goddess and myths, its own legends and traditions, its social customs and usages and its priest and ceremonial and of Brahmanical Hinduism with its special worship of Radha and Krishna. Meiteis never gave up their culture and tradition.
So, the Meitei religion is not sectarian and also not a mere structure of creeds. But this faith is a living force that brings out all the manifold experiences into a system. The sectarian faith brings diversions among the upholders of different beliefs. But the Meiteis faith transcends narrow individuality and small interests. So the term 'Meiteis' signifies mankind. Thus the followers of the Meiteis religion is nothing but the religion of man which is universal in outlook and is not built around any particular interest. When the new faith - Vaishnavism came to be the state religion of Manipur, there was in the beginning resistance to change on the part of the devotees of the traditional cults. Thus resistance was more political than doctrinal. The Meiteis deities were brought into Hindu pantheon. And also all Hindu deities were absorbed into the Meitei culture. Thus there is no conflict between the two faiths. The Hindus festival Ras Lila is based on the traditional dance of the Lai Haraoba, the pleasing of God. In short, the Lai Haraoba festival is a genuine festival of the Meiteis that has raised this stylised dance to the domain of a very high artistic and aesthetic expression and has produced one of the beautiful and authentic traditional schools of religions dancing in the world.
Attacking on culture for identity
By B. Thohii Hiimai
Social phenomenon of attacking on culture of the perceived dominant group by the affected population to reclaim their ethnic and cultural roots and construct identity within plural and multi-racial societies is nothing new in the human history. This is more pronounce and vocal in societies where there is political unrest, agitation, and rebellion among the people who are in search for ethnic and cultural identity.
The Nagas of Manipur in the four Hill districts is today in a virtual conflict minus violence with the mainstream Meities. It has taken a direction that was unthinkable in the past. A non-cooperation movement launched for NBSE affiliation has moved on by stages: first it was consigning the MBSE textbooks, then to ransacking the Government Schools and ZEO Offices in the four Hill districts, and now to banning ‘Meitei Mayek’ and all CDs/Video cassettes, films and audio in Meitei language in all the four Hill districts. This recourse is not a new phenomenon in Manipur. It was earlier first recourse taken by the proscribed outfits and students’ organisation in the valley. The Manipuri Students’ Federation, for instance, has called for a ban on all cable TV and DDK Imphal transmission of album videos from public view some time back in the valley. In more coercion the proscri-bed outfit in the valley ha-ve called for ban on all Hindi movies and diktak on women from wearing Indian dress like Sari that exposed greater part of the woman’s stomach.
What does this imply? From the perspective of quest for ethnic and cultural identity in a society infected by political unrest, these movements are manifestation of cultural nationalism for political ends. However, while accepting the underlying root cause for socio-political unrest, which deserves solution at the soonest, the means taken to achieve it by ‘ban’ on culture of the perceived group in target is not free from debate on rationale and in term of efficacy in long term. It invites a debate on question whether a society can survive in its own exclusivity in term of cultural influence and shut doors and windows to influence from outside in this world of ‘Global village’? Of course this does not suggest that we should assimilate everything without judgment on the binary of good/evil, moral/immoral, or right/wrong on external influences that invade us constantly.
While certain amount of resistance to alien culture is important without question in order to preserve the rich cultural heritage of people, total resistance or rejection against all forms of alien culture is not only impossible but also would too anachronistic and conservative in a world where despite political differences between nations steps to have bilateral relations through cultural exchange programme is being pushed forward for better relation. Development of cultural hegemonism within plural and multi-racial societies is the seed of self-destruction both in ‘intra’ and ‘inter’ relations. Hegemonic culture would attempts to homogenize attitude and world views of the people. The communal forces in India, for instance, which are well organized have throughout done propa-gandistic campaign since inception and have welded a mass ideology in which different organizations are drawn together and a hegemony is achieved which attempts to destroy all living folk culture and homogenizes Hinduism around the Ram cult in synthetic and syndicated ways. — to be contd
Role of Thangal General in anti-British movement By GP Singh The Sangai Express
Contd from last Saturday
It is worthy to note that the British made persistent efforts to keep Manipur as Subordinate Native State by availing the chance of intervening in the so-called palatial revolution over the issue of royal succession after establishing the first contact with the royal house in 1762. Thangal soon realised the power of the British Govt and after resolving to resist them to the utmost played an active part in executing the British officials and fought up to the last drape of his blood for driving the British out of Manipur to retain its freedom. He played glorious role in the war of 1890-91 for the independence of Manipur from the British rule.
He left no stone unturned in throwing off the yoke of the servitude of the British from the neck of that princely state. Nearly thirty thousand people, including several Nagas predominantly the Tangkhuls and Thangals, took part in the uprising of 1891 as is evident from the imperial records. Thangal General along with Manipuri princes and nine other accused was tried and sentenced to death. He and Tikendrajit were publicly hanged on August 13, 1891 amid the heart rending cries of thousands of men and women. Captain Hearsey observed: “... the trial of the accused princes has been one of the most outrageous farces and parodies of justice that have never yet been exhibited to the Indian nation.” It is, however, undeniable that Thangal became a martyr in defence of a noble cause. He laid down his life not only for the independence of Manipur but also India. His name is well recorded in the modern history of Manipur but he is yet to adorn the pages of the history of modern India.
Thangal General had a chequered career. He was a multifaceted personality. He combined in himself the qualities of a great warrior and a true patriot. He was a man of undaunted courage, unwavering conviction and unflinching faith. During the period 1857-1891 he shone forth as one of the brightest stars in the political firmament of Manipur. He reached the height of his glory in 1891. His catholicity and sagacity attracted the mass. His martyrdom may be regarded as an addition to the examples of sacrifice set by other revolutionary leaders of north east India during the period under notice. He occupies a distinguished place in the annals of the Naga tribes of Manipur. His name stands in the galaxy of freedom fighters of Manipur. He shall be remembered for ages to come as one of the illustrious sons of Manipur. — Concluded
Ethnic cauldron Sangai Express editorial
The threat issued by the Hmar National Assembly that it would be constrained to serve quit notices on the Meiteis settled in Churachandpur district if the SPF Government does not fulfil its demands is a disturbing reflection of the shaky relationships between the different communities residing in Manipur. It is also a reflection of how some organisations are wont to jump the gun and identify the State Government with the Meitei community. Nothing can be more dangerous than this. Already voices of concern have been raised from some quarters over the stand of the HNA and while it remains to be seen whether the quit notice will actually be served or not, it is time for all the people of Manipur to look inwards and acknowledge the fact that the seeds of suspicion and distrust between the different communities have already been sown and what we are reaping today may perhaps be the fruits of what were sown some time back. It will not help to point fingers at anyone and say that the seeds of discord were sown by so and so, but what will help is the realisation that issues seen through and interpreted through the narrow prism of ethnicity is not only impractical but also dangerous. This is all that more so in a region like the North East, particularly Manipur, which is home to a number of ethnic groups with each groups aligning and re-aligning themselves with new identities and cultural and genealogical affiliations. In a sense we may even go to the extent of stating that there are still quite a large number of peoples who are still in the stage of evolving themselves as distinct groups of people and in such a stage the concept of ethnicity can take dangerous proportions if not handled with the sensitivity it requires.
What is the question of ethnicity got to do with the quit notice threat being issued by the HNA is a poser that may well be raised now. A sincere look at the ground reality will tell us that the most teething problems facing Manipur today is the question of ethnicity as well as where the loyalty of one group of people should belong to. One school of thought maintains that Manipur is home to all the indigenous group of people who have settled here since ages while on the other hand there is a school of thought which sees Manipur as synonymous with only the Meiteis. It is against this concept that the NSCN (IM) has given the call for a Greater Lim and a sincere study of the quit notice threat of the HNA will also reveal the point that they view Manipur as representing only the Meiteis. If it was not this mindset then there is no reason why the quit notice threat should have been issued against the Meitei community for grievances that were and are directed towards the State Government. It is this disturbing trend that should be acknowledged by the civil society organisations of the State and accordingly take up remedial action to cure the malady and misconception. No community should be targeted on the basis of any grievances harboured against the Government of the day. Ignoring this fundamental point will do nothing except add to the chaos and confusion that we see all around.
Quit Notice and the Deeper Issue By: Charles Chasie Kangla
The sharp polarization that has been happening in our society for quite sometime is an issue of grave concern for all of us. Now, with the “quit notice” issued by NSCN(K) to the Tangkhul community in Nagaland, the polarization seems to be taking a turn for the worse. Instead of coming closer, we seem to be drifting further apart. Why is it that whatever can go wrong in our situation keeps going wrong?
The present issue also, once again, clearly demonstrates that, in the Naga context, we all still continue to see and interpret happenings through the prism of tribes. This could be largely due to the fact that individual Naga identities are inseparably linked to clan, khel, village and tribe identities. And this cultural view continues to dominate our beings despite modern mannerisms, fashions and adopted attitudes. We may take the high moral ground of rationality and philosophical/ideological discourse when it suits us but this is what we all really still are. It is not practiced only by the people in the NSCN (K) but by all Nagas. We are all seen and we all look at other Nagas as part of our respective tribe identities. This trait quickly comes out and most visibly especially when we have our backs against the wall and no alternatives seem available. It enjoins on each of us the obligation to remember that we all carry individual responsibilities as well as collective ones to our communities and the larger society.

But let me first of all make clear my position on the ‘quit notice’ of the NSCN (K). In the early 1990s when the Kukis were told to quit Nagaland and this reached Kohima, I wrote in my newspaper (I was editor then) that this was wrong. For my stand I got into some difficulties but apart from a few friends there was no “squeak” of support from anyone. But I was at peace because I believed it was the right thing to do. I see absolutely no reason today to change my stand. The faults and mistakes of some cannot be visited on an entire community. And there are always good people in every community. At this point, for instance, I think of my senior friend and former colleague, Dr Tuisem Shishak, who launched and kept going, till retirement recently, the Patkai Christian College which we all know about. I do not think I would want him to leave Nagaland even from a purely selfish point of view, leaving aside larger considerations.

What gives me hope in the present case are the reports in the newspapers (having been away, I read about a week’s collection at one go) from NSCN–K’s leadership that innocent Tangkhuls will not be targeted. It shows that some re-thinking is going on. The NSCN (K) must rescind the targeting of the Tangkhuls as a tribe. Equally, it is important to examine why the NSCN (K) may have been driven to this unreasonable and extreme step. Such examination is required not just for the sake of the NSCN (K) but for the good of the whole Naga society and so that no such mistakes will be repeated in future. Because of our given tribal context what each does or fails to do has consequences for us and for our communities. Likewise, the good that we do will be reflected on our communities too. The mindset extends from the personal to the community and national affairs. It is unrealistic and impractical to expect otherwise.

Let us consider our society. It is made up of a collection of disparate tribes, claiming to be a people and a nation, and have actually fought for so many decades for such aspirations, but now it seems to be tearing apart at the seams even before the contours of such national ambitions could be clearly mapped out. Tragically, instead of delving deeper into the actual malaise and design faults confronting us and dealing with the real mechanics of the Naga Car we want to build, we seem to have stopped at only imagining the shapes and colours of the final product. Unhappily for us, the Naga Car we want will first have to go through the visioning, designing, engineering, and production processes, and correcting any faults, before we can possess and drive it safely. Unless we are prepared to go through the long and difficult, even painful, processes required, the cost will be paid, as it has already been paid, and still being paid, in numerous more lives and may result in the ultimate sacrifice of our people-hood. What we are experiencing now are warning signs.
What has our society become today? We have reached a stage where no one can say anything to anyone anymore. Power and strength, and wealth as a means to achieving these, are the only things we understand, threats and intimidations are the only languages we speak, and deep suspicion has become the hallmark of our inter-personal relationship whether between individuals or between groups or parties. This is not a society, far less a nation, that can move forward and fulfill its God-given destiny. Permanent revolution and chaos are the only words one can think of to describe such a volatile state. A society at war with itself cannot be expected to grow and move forward. Neither can anyone help it.

The Naga national movement which first launched the process of our people-hood today seems to have become the single-most divisive factor in society. The present “quit notice” is also a direct political fall-out of the movement. Suspicion and fear, exclusiveness, assassinations, bitterness etc. have all led to the present state of affairs. The Angami too, the tribe to which I belong, have often been regrettably guilty of failing to be large-hearted enough and inclusive enough. Unless we correct these mistakes and unless we include everyone the Naga river of blood will keep flowing. Ours is a very small people and we need everyone. All of us but especially the leaders must ask themselves the kind of legacy, of peace and future or bitterness and hate, they want to bequeath their children.

We are all agreed that our society has become wounded and hurting badly. Wounds need healing, not further wounding. Clever stratagems and manipulations, however successful in the short-term will only wound further and entrench our already difficult situation, making it impossible. What our situation demands is a humble acknowledgement that things have gone wrong, that we have all played a part in allowing things to go wrong, and to do all we can to put right what we can. Explanations and justifications, and selective indignations, will only make things worse by adding insult to injury. Propaganda is a lot of energy wasted as by now, every Naga has already made up his/her mind about who is right and who is wrong and where his/her position should lie and will not effect too much shift in the minds of our people. What we have to effect is a shift from who is right to what is right for all Nagas. Only then will there be a corresponding shift in our situation from impasse towards solution.

As a senior friend keeps saying, life is about challenges and responses and what we are and what our situation becomes depend on the quality of our responses to the challenges confronting us. So long as we keep on reacting instead of responding adequately to the challenges before us, there will be no movement forward.

Let us also appreciate each other. Although we are all capable of the worst, there is also so much good in our people. I recall, for instance, Mr Wangtin Konyak writing a moving letter in the immediate aftermath of the killing of Ngampan Konyak, paying tribute to his leader and stating his feeling of hurt but also expressing forgiveness and declaring his resolve to work for the good of all Nagas. I did not see any response of appreciation in the newspapers. I, for one, regrettably failed to do so publicly although, without knowing him, my respect for him rose in my heart. Quite often, lack of appreciation hardens hearts and instead of lifting the spiral of positive attitudes in society creates situations that could, perhaps, otherwise be avoided.

After all the mistakes we have all committed, and also paid the price for them, we need to begin to sensitively listen to one another to begin again. When we stop listening to one another’s cries and appeals, we usually provoke the worst in each other.

What we desperately need in our situation is a respected neutral body from within Naga society to facilitate and translate our slogan of reconciliation to real healing. Perhaps, the Church is the only body left that can perform this painful but necessary task. But will we allow it? Our society is so riven and our thinking follows the path of anyone not for us being against us that making the worst possible interpretations of what anyone says has become the norm. Killings continue everyday that even condemnation of such acts has become routine and tiresome. We have become so de-sensitized and de-humanized. Without healing, it is doubtful if there will be solution. On the contrary, the chances are greater for further bloodshed and perpetration of more legacies of bitterness to take place.

It is also a fact that solution can only come from within Naga society. Outside help and support, however powerful and important, cannot assist us where we have refused to help ourselves. At most we will reduce their efforts to mere nuisance value, a peddling of our connections vis-à-vis the Government of India and other factions. This is not to underestimate or undermine the help outside friends can give but merely pointing out a fact. It is unfair to them also and I am sure they will be the first to agree. Only we can assist them to assist us. When we do not help ourselves no one can really help us.

The bell has been tolling for the Naga people for a long time now. Will we hearken to it late as it is and give a chance to mothers to dry their tears, hardened hearts to soften and become human again and for our children to dream about their future? Only we can provide the answer.


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