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09/13/2006: "We Nagas should and shall be united- Nagaland Post"


We Nagas should and shall be united- Nagaland Post

The Naga people have distinctive cultures and traditions by nature, that, from today onwards we should no longer be under the suppression of the Indians because of our differentness where the land we belong. In fact, the size and population is not compatible according to the size of our aggressors but with the will of God we have proclaimed to rule under His Sovereignty under the theme called "Nagaland for Christ" and our forefathers has committed to our Heavenly Father which was deeply rooted to all minds of all our people since from the very beginning of our freedom struggle till today.
It shall be in His will in whatever we are to do and He has a definite plan for our people where there is a man who possesses deep faith, love and well discipline towards Him shall lead our people but not by muscle power, bullets or cunningness. That, our prayerfulness to our Heavenly Father shall be fulfilled one day with one true leader to lead our Naga nation. If it is God's will, a leader may be put up either on the stones or trees that, on that day onwards our people shall be united and which will be in His own will for our Naga better future. And this will be an anointed person of God fearing man but not by might. God has created each and every one and care each of us, then why not we be united and make a good nation? We should not give up our land of rights to any other nation and shall not desolate any person of our people. About 99% of our Naga people have unanimously conducted a plebiscite at Lakhuti on 16th May 1951 and the copies were endorsed to Dr. A.Z.Phizo, the then President of Naga National Council (N.N.C) to proclaim our birth right of political freedom with the world leaders in London and particularly the highest International body of United Nations Organization (U.N.O) also a copy was given to the Government of India for her non-interference in the Naga political freedom struggles.
In 1975, the full responsibilities of the final settlement of Naga political freedom was given to Adino Phizo, the President, N.N.C because she was elected by the Nagas and all political protocol is vested up on her by the Yehzabo of Nagaland (Constitution). If the Nagas deserve to give-up our freedom struggle after such long prevailing situations, then the N.N.C. President itself has the right to do any consequences before the general publics according to the Yehzabo of Nagaland. The public have no right to stop her even if she wants to transform into other animals.
It is to appeal to all organizations of freedom fighters such as Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN), National Socialist Council of Nagaland (IM) (NSCN) or NSCN(K) to stop warring with each other or shun fratricidal acts as it is just destroying ourselves and stop criticize each other or don't seek your own rights. There is no perfect man before God in this world or before our constitutional laws. Be in your own regions and the might of the mighty barrel of guns and bullets cannot control or ruled or solved our common target of struggles but the best is to obey God's will which is the only solution to solve our common problems.
Faithfulness in God shall rule and lead the nation no other alternatives because many faithful and brilliant freedom fighters have sacrificed and shed their valuable blood for our common cause. For the sake of their sacrificial deeds, let us be united in the name of God, our Heavenly Father and go with a slogan of "Nagaland for Christ" to proclaim the glory of the Lord to bring the final solution to our Nation which is the best of all. Don't commit any revenge to any body and leave it to our God as He is the only avenger for us all. Many of our Naga bureaucrats, intellectuals and politicians have become adamant and distrusts on our political struggles.
But let us be forgive and forget all those misdeeds and fight for final solution with a united stand. All these things will be happen according to the will of God where He has a specific day and time to bring the final settlement but not by the will of our sinful attitudes or no one can stop His will.
Our Kingdom shall be the last kingdom in the world which will be God's given Kingdom and it will be very magnificent and beautiful for a period before the world. So let us ask His forgiveness before it is too late and be prepared to meet our happy day of our Sovereignty in the name of Our Lord Jesus Christ, Amen.
This publishing may be the first and the last for us all. God bless you. Mukhave Leacy, Chakhesang Region, FGN.
Rio’s govt race to accomplish electoral promise Morung Express News
Punglwa | September 12 Spring next year will usher in a new season of education at Punglwa as the DAN government-initiated Sainik School located at Peren District begins classroom studies. Officials from the National Building Construction Corporation (NBCC) and its sub- contractor, Ansari Co. disclosed that formal inauguration of structural parts can be hopefully done in October end or early part of November, 2006 and the school can start running classes by April next year, though there could be minor delays. However, a September end finish is what the government as well as contractors are all aiming for, informed sources told The Morung Express.
DAN government, especially the Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio has been assuring that the ongoing construction work would be completed in time and the class would start as per schedule. The Common Minimum Programme (CMP) of the NPF led DAN government which included setting up of Sainik School in the state, could be one of the pressing reasons for the ruling dispensation to complete the project on time. With Assembly elections not far off, the completion of the school will be a huge boost for the Chief Minister and his political fortunes, analysts say. As of now, 2 three-storey dormitories, mess, staff quarters, administrative block, infirmary, water treatment plant and storage tank are on the verge of completion. The construction started in July last year.
SC chides Nagaland Nagaland Post
New Delhi, Sept 12 (agencies): The Supreme Court has granted a last opportunity to the state of Nagaland to file an affidavit of undertaking in the boundary dispute case with the states of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. It asked Nagaland government to file its affidavit within a week and posted the matter for hearing after three weeks. The apex court has strongly reprimanded the state of Nagaland for dealing with the court's order in a cavalier fashion as it failed to comply with the directive passed on September 13, 2004. Assam and Arunachal Pradesh have, however, filed their affidavits, giving an undertaking to cooperate with the boundary commission appointed by the Centre to resolve the boundary dispute.
Assam had filed a suit in the Supreme Court in 1988 for getting the boundaries of the states demarcated as according to Assam, Nagaland was encroaching into the state of Assam.
A bench comprising Chief Justice Y K Sabharwal, Justice C K Thakker and Justice P K Balasubramanyan gave three weeks time to the state of Nagaland to file an affidavit and granted two weeks time to the Centre and the state of Asom to file their response to the other applications pending in the court. The court said despite two years, the Nagaland government has failed to file an affidavit and has pointed out a number of difficulties in resolving the disputes by way of oral submission which is of no avail.
During the hearing, the Counsel appearing for Nagaland said more than the boundary dispute it was a political dispute. Senior advocate K K Venugopal said wherever there is a Naga population, Nagaland has been encroaching the land.
Jamir on Mahatma’s ideologies Nagaland post
Panaji: SC Jamir, the Governor of Goa on Tuesday expounded his opinions on the ideologies of Mahatma Gandhi at a function held here at the Raj Bhawan to inaugurate the setting up of the Goa Chapter of Sarvodaya International Trust (SIT). Jamir opined that perhaps, the concept of non-violence which the Mahatma lived and died for could not catch up with the present times because the person has been deified instead of the ideologies and principles that he stood for.
"It is very sad to note that the modern society is showing scant regard to the ideals preached and practiced by Gandhiji," he said. "The very soil on which he was born has witnessed much violence and bloodshed in the recent times."
He said that today the nation is faced with unprecedented challenges of religious intolerance, communalism, fundamentalism, terrorism, extremism and violence. He lamented the degeneration of the high moral and human values like truth, ahimsa, spirit of universal brotherhood and human service, which were so well practised by Gandhiji in his long public life.
"Unless and until fundamentalist and fascist forces are dealt with strongly, they would continue to act as the stumbling blocks in our path towards the all-round progress of the country," he opined.
On September 11, 1906, Gandhiji appealed to the 3000 Indians gathered at the Empire Theatre building in Johannesburg "to take an oath to resist their white colonial oppressors without striking a single blow." "With that statement, Gandhiji started a peaceful revolution, a revolution that shook the world!" Jamir said.
This non-violent movement changed the mind-set of the human race, he said. He also brought to the notice of the Trustees of the SIT an article appearing in the latest edition of the Outlook magazine wherein Gandhiji's grandson and author Gopalkrishna Gandhi was quoted as saying Gandhiji was "enshrined and vandalized."
Another historian agreed that "Gandhi was ill-served by everyone, including the Gandhians" themselves and that "he was conveniently portrayed as a saint so that they would not be threatened by his ideology."
"Perhaps, deifying Gandhiji, the person and not his ideologies, could be the reason why the concept of non-violence, the concept he so dearly loved and propagated, could not catch up with the present times," Jamir said and appealed to the Sarvodaya International Trust to give this thought a serious consideration.
"It should be the endeavour of all of us to preserve, promote and propagate the Gandhiji's legacy of peace, tolerance and communal harmony," he said. Jamir also released the book "Gandhi's Outstanding Leadership" written by Ambassador (Retd) Alan Pascal Nazareth.
Chapters of SIT have already been opened in Karnataka, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, New Delhi and Tamil Naduand it is dedicated to promoting the Gandhian ideals of Truth, Non Violence, Peace, Universal Brotherhood and Humanitarian Service.

Indo-Myanmar home secretary-level talks begins today IRNA India-Myanmar-Talks
The 12th meeting of home secretaries of India and Myanmar begins set to start here today will focus on Indian insurgent groups present in Myanmar territory as well as effective border management between the two countries. The Indian delegation in the four-day talks will be led by Union Home Secretary V K Duggal while the Myanmar delegation will be headed by Deputy Minister for Home Affairs of Myanmar Brigadier General Phone Swe.
The meetings are held annually to discuss various issues related to maintenance of peace and tranquility along the India-Myanmar border. Steps needed to curb smuggling of arms and ammunition and illicit trafficking in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances will also figure in the discussions. In addition, the progress of various cross-border projects over which the two countries have agreed to cooperate will also be reviewed.
Insurgent groups from Manipur and Nagaland like ULFA, UNLF, PLA, NSCN(K) and NSCN(IM) are operating from Myanmar and New Delhi will utilize the opportunity to demand that they be flushed out, according to sources. They also cited the instances of killing of some Assam Rifles personnel by insurgents a few months back.
Myanmar has not yet agreed to Bhutan-like action against Indian insurgent groups. India shares a 1,643-km border with Myanmar, and Arunachal Pradesh alone accounts for 520 kilometers, followed closely by Mizoram with 510 kilometers. Manipur shares 398 kilometers of its international boundary with Myanmar and with Nagaland another 258 kilometers.
Their boundary dispute is very minor as only nine border pillars, all in Manipur, are points of contention. It was decided to put up a 10-km fence at Moreh in Manipur, but work is yet to begin. Border management and fencing too are expected to be discussed at the talks. The issues are likely to be taken up in light of recent reports regarding smuggling of Chinese grenades and counterfeit Indian currency through the Myanmar border. The northeastern states have been voicing concern over these issues, particularly peddling of drugs and arms, and have pointed out the importance of Myanmar as the gateway to East Asian countries from the strategic point of view.
Sources said that during the last meeting held at Yangon in October last year, issues relating to security, drug trafficking, border trade, border management and proposed infrastructure projects in Myanmar were discussed. Both sides had agreed to further strengthen their cooperation in tackling the activities of insurgents, arms smugglers, drug peddlers and other hostile elements along the India-Myanmar border.
Degrees of separatism M.S. PRABHAKARA Frontline India On the struggles for separation in the northeastern region RITU RAJ KONWAR

AN NSCN(I-M) MILITANT stands guard at the NSCN headquarters in Hebron near Dimapur.
ABOUT 30 organisations described variously as terrorist, militant or insurgent, are active in Asom (formerly Assam) and other States in northeastern India. The South Asia Terrorism Portal actually identifies over a hundred `terrorist/insurgent groups' in the region. Most of these are admittedly little more than names and signboards with poorly written constitutions, manifestos and charters of demands, engaged principally in extortion and racketeering. Many of these are nearly moribund. Others, with a little more substance to them and having a `greater autonomy' agenda are engaged sporadically in violent activities alternating with some kind of negotiations with the State/Central government.
About a dozen of the 30-odd `active' organisations are also engaged in `armed propaganda' that over the years has evolved into an `armed struggle' against the Indian state. While their stated objectives may differ, in their operational methods and organisational structures, they share some common features. All of them claim to represent the people and they are all, to varying degrees, separatist, indeed secessionist. All of them have, clearly or vaguely, spelt out agendas of attaining sovereignty, or what they perceive as the restoration of the sovereignty that was lost in the process of the transfer of power and the subsequent consolidation of the Indian state.
The most notable of these organisations are the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN). While ULFA seeks to restore the lost sovereignty of Asom - following British annexation of the territory after the defeat of the Burmese invasion and the signing of the Treaty of Yandabo on February 24, 1826 - the NSCN led by Isak Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah and two other Naga nationalist formations, all offshoots of the Naga sovereignty assertion initiated by the late Angami Zapu Phizo at the dawn of Indian Independence. The Naga people `declared their independence' on August 14, 1947, on the eve of India's independence.
The oldest organisation engaged in `armed struggle' in Manipur is the United National Liberation Front (UNLF), though three or four other organisations are engaged in similar struggles for the restoration of Manipur's lost sovereignty (`the undemocratic and inequitable' Merger Agreement of October 15, 1949). The history and geography of the territories involved being what they are, there are inescapably conflicting territorial issues involved in, and indeed integral to, the sovereignty aspirations. Ironically, this interface between sovereignty and territoriality impinges on all the States where these organisations are active, highlighting the fundamental contradictions of these sovereignty struggles. For instance, the Naga sovereignty struggle, were it to succeed in the way envisaged by the Naga nationalist organisations, would have the gravest implications for Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh as they now exist, and, potentially, for Myanmar as well.
How seriously do these organisations believe they can attain sovereignty, considering that their adversary is the Indian state? The leaderships of these organisations, sophisticated and well informed about history, know full well that in the larger Indian context their armed struggles have had very little impact on polity. Nearly half a century of `armed struggle' has not really advanced Naga aspirations for sovereignty.
One may well ask whether six to seven years of talks of every variety - direct and indirect, through emissaries and interlocutors and face-to-face meetings with representatives of the Government of India, including three or four Prime Ministers, in New Delhi and in foreign lands - have advanced these sovereignty aspirations. The only gain has been the legitimacy the de facto government of Nagalim has acquired, though the existence of such a government owes little to the protracted negotiations. AFP

COMMANDOS AND POLICE at a security checkpost near the Indian Oil refinery, in Guwahati.
The fact is that even the most belligerent of these separatist groups do not envisage the defeat of the Indian state by the `armed struggles'. Yet, they press on, unrelenting in their desire to secure their lost sovereignty. According to received wisdom, a nation-state, even a very weak one, does not break up except under two conditions: defeat in war and occupation by a foreign enemy. India is simply too big and too powerful a country to be defeated in war, or allow for foreign occupation. There are numerous instances of fragile nation-states continuing to remain united despite serious internal contradictions marked by conflicts related to ethnicity, language, religion and such other coordinates of classic disintegration of nation-states. But for Indian intervention, it is arguable whether the seemingly unviable state of Pakistan would have disintegrated despite the intense internal contradictions, which were exacerbated further by the lack of statesmanship of its leaders in both West and East Pakistan.
On the other hand, there is also the example of the Soviet Union, as strong and centralised a state as one can imagine, collapsing without foreign intervention, defeat in war and occupation by enemy forces. While the subsequent disintegration of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was assisted considerably by foreign intervention, even in this case developments internal to the country were, in the final analysis, the decisive factor that contributed to the destruction of the federal republic. The modest and continuing gains made by the Catalonian autonomy movement in Spain and the rather more dramatic developments in Montenegro, which in a national referendum in May voted narrowly for secession and independence from Serbia, hold promises for separatist movements in the region.
It is interesting that the current campaign in Manipur for a plebiscite on the issue of Manipur's independence, proposed initially by the UNLF and since then taken up by several `civil society' organisations, followed closely, indeed almost conterminously, in the wake of the referendum in Montenegro. Among those who addressed such a plebiscite meeting in Imphal on June 6 was the titular king of Manipur, apart from other dignitaries such as a former Lok Sabha member, a former Human Rights Commissioner, the president of the Manipur Working Journalists' Union, leaders of political parties and several women leaders - always a potent force in Manipur.
An old song had this refrain: "Tell me what you want and I'll tell you what you get." It would be tempting to see in these words a neat summary of the opacity that characterises the stated stands of these separatist organisations and the Government of India. However, an organisation such as ULFA has never minced words. The only problem is that it is impossible to accept that this stated objective, the attainment of Swadhin Asom, is a realisable one, or that even ULFA really believes it is attainable through armed struggle, unless the kind of extraordinary circumstances that prevailed in the instances cited above can be replicated in this country. This is not on the cards.
However, the persistence in the face of `proven facts to the contrary' is not in the least irrational. Rather, such persistence can be understood if one realises that ULFA and its ideologues within Asom and in metropolitan centres in India and abroad and an amorphous `civil society' network entrenched for the most part in the developed countries of the West are of the view that conventional notions about the durability, indeed the very viability of the nation-state, even one that is strong and internally coherent and just in its governance, are no more valid in the brave new world of a globalised 21st century. Thus, notions of nation-state, national sovereignty, citizenship rights derived from a country's Constitution, indeed, the distinction between a citizen and a migrant who is not yet a citizen, securely demarcated borders and such things need to be turned upside down in this new dispensation of borderless territories and shared sovereignties. Such ideas, never canvassed in respect of nationality problems and struggles in first world countries, are bouncing around in every part of the region.
Seen in this perspective, arguments about whether separatist struggles, even when these become active insurgencies (such as the Naga struggle and the resolved Mizo struggle) can ever defeat the might of the Indian state are utterly irrelevant. Indeed, the talks and talks about talks, the unending hair-splitting over procedures and protocols, about whether the Government of India should first release the five imprisoned ULFA leaders or whether ULFA should first give in writing that it will attend the talks in the event of these leaders being released, are all mere exercises in sleight-of-hand and prestidigitation intended to obscure the real agenda.
The Indian state, in this perspective, is getting more and more enfeebled, unable to resolve the larger contradictions besetting it nationally. What the struggles of these marginalised nationalities in the marginal regions of the country need to do is to keep up the pressure, keep on chipping away. With the received ideas of the nation-state themselves losing their legitimacy, such `unviable' entities as the Indian state are bound to crack up and collapse even without external aggression, defeat in war and foreign occupation. Such a reading of history informs the resolve of separatist organisations to carry on their struggles over generations. The reality that underlies the rhetoric: "We have fought for fifty years; we are prepared to fight for fifty more years," as Th. Muivah reportedly said in frustration over the lack of progress in the `Indo-Naga dialogue'.


ULFA peace initiative hits roadblock The Morung Express
New Delhi, Sept 12 (PTI): The peace process between the ULFA and the Centre appears to have hit a roadblock with both sides refusing to back down from their respective stands. While the banned group is insisting that the government should release its top leaders from jail before direct talks, the Centre has maintained that it would consider the demand only after receiving a written commitment about ULFA’s willingness to participate in parleys.
The current ceasefire in Assam ends in four days and there is no indication of flexibility from either side.
“Yes, it seems we are not moving forward,” noted author Indira Goswami, who has been mediating on behalf of ULFA for almost two years, told PTI here today.
Goswami said there was a very slim chance of the Centre extending the truce in Assam beyond September 15.
“It seems it (ceasefire) will not be possible,” she said, adding she was not expecting any communication from the ULFA before the end of the current truce.
Goswami said she had written to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in an effort to break the deadlock, requesting him to release the jailed ULFA leaders and to take a sympathetic approach in resolving the nearly three-decade-old insurgency in Assam.
“I sent a letter to the Prime Minister on Sunday, requesting him to take a sympathetic view and release the top ULFA leaders from jail,” she said.
4 AR men killed, 3 hurt in PLA strike By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express
IMPHAL, Sep 12 : Four personnel of the 19 Assam Rifles were killed while another three were injured when PLA cadres ambushed a convoy of the security force near Leishiphung village located about 12 kms east of Lamlai police station today at about 3 pm.
The deceased are identified as Havildar Man Bahadur, Havildar Kailash Prasad, Rifleman TC Basumataria and Riflemen Bidyasagar while the three injured have been named as Rifleman Rajendra Singh, Rifleman Biresh Deb Burman and Rifleman Mahendra Singh.
The three have been evacuated to the military hospital at Leimakhong where their conditions are stated to be stable.
However independent sources said that the condition of Surendra Singh is critical as he received bullet injuries on the waist.
Biresh Deb suffered bullet injuries on the right arm while Mahendra Singh was hit on both the hands.
According to information received here, the convoy was proceeding to the 19 Assam Rifles post at Shangshak from Imphal with provisions, including fuel in two vehicles.
As the Assam Rifles men approached Leishiphung village, the well positioned PLA cadres armed to the teeth opened fire at them using bombs.
The four Assam Rifles personnel were killed at the spot and the vehicles carrying the security personnel were substantially damaged.
The bodies of the deceased AR men are presently being kept at RIMS morgue.
Search operation was launched following the attack, but till the time of filing this news, there is no report of any arrest.
The PRO of PIB (Defence Wing) confirmed the incident and added that the security personnel did not lose any weapons in the gun fight.
UGs nabbed : Imphal West District Police Commandos arrested one ex-cadre of UNLF who is now a town commander of KRA from his own house along with nine demand letters of KRA at around 7.10 am today. The arrested ex-cadre of UNLF (army no. 089) has been identified as Takhelchang-bam Dijamani Sharma alias Bosh alias Thanil (36) s/o T Chaoba Sharma of Khong-man Mangjil Mamang Kon- gba Road, said SP Imphal West Clay Khongsai in a statement, while informing that the arrested individual is now Town Commander of KRA. In the follow up actions, three more KRA activists were also arrested today, the SP informed. The KRA cadres identified as Sapam Mobi Singh alias Max alias Achou (35) s/o late S Kulachandra Singh of Thangmeiband Lourung Purel Leikai was arrested from his own residence, Leishangthem Kumar Sin-gh alias Tomba (46) s/o L Babu of Pukhao Terapur was arrested from Nagaram along with one 9 mm pistol with 6 live rounds and Waikhom Noren Singh (39) s/o W Nopur of Leitanpokpi was also arrested Nagaram, the SP informed.

ULFA seeks time till Sept 20 From Our Spl Correspondent Assam Tribune
NEW DELHI, Sept 12 – The United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) has sought time till September 20 to respond to the Government’s demand for a formal letter to carry forward the peace process. Highly-placed sources in the Ministry of Home Affairs said that the coordinator of the PCG, Rebati Phukan today called up to convey the ULFA’s request for more time to respond to the government’s demand. Sources also said that the government is yet to take any decision on the extension of the suspension of operations, which expires on September 15.

Earlier in the day, a lack of forward movement in the ULFA peace process had triggered a sense of uncertainty among the officials of Government of India, as well as the mediators. With top officials including National Security Adviser, MK Narayanan away in South America, and Rebati Phukon yet to show up with ULFA’s response, a big question mark hangs on the fate of the suspension of operations. Officials at the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) including Home Secretary, V.K.Duggal were busy with the ensuing talks with the Myanmar, there was no development on the ULFA front today. There is a possibility that the MHA might convene an inter-ministerial meeting before Friday to take stock of the prevailing situation.

At the last round of meeting on August 6, Government of India insisted on a written communication from ULFA. The mediator said, he would convey it to the ULFA and report back, if they responded. The suspension of operation was extended for the third time till September 15, overruling a stiff opposition from the Army. Meanwhile, Dr Mamoni Raisom Goswami, when contacted said that she was keeping her fingers crossed and as clueless as anyone else as to what might happen after Friday. Dr Goswami on Sunday, called up Home Secretary to find out just that, only to be told that the Centre was still waiting for the written communication.

A day earlier, the author also wrote a personal letter to the Prime Minister, requesting him to intervene to break the logjam. “Having reached thus far, the peace process should not be allowed to wither away, just because ULFA has not been able to write a few lines,” Dr Goswami told this newspaper. She added that in her letter she has reminded the Prime Minister how his interventions at crucial junctures has saved the peace process in the past. The Government of India can be generous and keep the peace process going. After all, both sides have kept their word and there has been no violence in the State during the period of suspension of operations. Peace has reigned in the State, Dr Goswami said. When asked whether they were going to again call on the officials, Dr Goswami said that they have decided not to approach the Centre yet. “We will wait and see what the Government of India does on Friday,” she said. With the ULFA leadership stating that they are not willing to send correspondence before release of the five detained leaders, Dr Goswami saw little possibility of the outfit dropping a few lines to Government of India.
PM should break deadlock over ULFA talks: Indira Goswami By IANS Wednesday September 13, 11:20 AM
Guwahati, Sep 13 (IANS) Representatives of the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) Wednesday said a fragile peace in the northeastern state of Assam could be saved only if Prime Minister Manmohan Singh intervenes.
'Now all hopes are on the prime minister's personal intervention to break the deadlock over holding peace talks with the ULFA,' said Indira Goswami, a noted Assamese writer and sought by the ULFA to mediate for talks.
The prime minister is currently on a tour to Brazil and Cuba and will return early next week.
'I sincerely believe the prime minister would do something positive and not allow the peace process to get derailed,' Goswami told IANS over the phone from New Delhi. Holding of direct peace talks between the ULFA leadership and government peace negotiators have been deadlocked with New Delhi seeking a formal letter from the outfit stating that it was ready for direct talks, name its negotiating team members and specify a timeframe for the dialogue.
The main issue now blocking the start of formal face-to-face talks between the ULFA and Indian government negotiators is the rebels' demand for release of five of their jailed leaders. The ULFA maintains that the outfit is not in a position to take a decision without their five central committee leaders who are currently in jail and is hence insisting on their release. 'The ULFA says it cannot give anything in writing without having a full executive meeting and hence they want their imprisoned leaders to be released to sit and deliberate on the matter,' Goswami said. Goswami is the leader of an 11-member team of civil society leaders - collectively called the People's Consultative Group - nominated by the ULFA in September last year to begin exploratory talks with the government.
New Delhi on Aug 13 announced a 10-day suspension of army operations against the ULFA which was later extended by another 25 days. The term of halting military operations expires Friday. The ULFA, too, reciprocated the government's 'goodwill gesture' by announcing cessation of hostilities for an indefinite period. 'I think the government should release the jailed rebels and after that even if the talks fail the government would get the support of the people of Assam for trying their best to work out an atmosphere of peace,' Goswami said.
Erosion of tribal values Nagarealm.com
The intrinsic values that differentiate the tribal from the more civilised, mainstream Indian or American are the “communitarian” goals which the former strives to achieve.Taking decisions by consensus, respect for community rights over common property resources and a caring concern for the wellbeing of other members of the tribe constitutes some of the more fundamental values. But the question today is whether these fundamental values still exist among tribal communities. Or has the very concept of community changed?

One example is that of the Khasi society which practised a very egalitarian form of social conduct. Land among the Khasis was not just a plot with a commercial value. It was not what people term as “real estate”. Land was and still is indivisibly linked to cultural practices and tradition. Land provides subsistence because it is where rice and other crops are cultivated. Land is where the forest is, and the forest is still seen as a life-giving, life-sustaining, living matter. Land is mother-earth. Abusing the land is a direct onslaught on Mother Nature. Our ancestors believed in never overdoing things (wat ju leh palat). They were firm in the belief that anyone who over indulges has to pay a price.

Present society
We come now to circa 2006. What is different in Khasi society of 30 years ago and the one that exists today and still calls itself “Khasi”? What are the missing elements that threaten to fragment the Khasis now? What were the threads that used to hold the community together? Why is it that despite strong assertions and re-affirmations by different groups about the “uniqueness” of Khasi society, one hardly gets to see those rudiments of exclusivity?

In fact there are groups that even want to push for a complete makeover from matriliny to patriarchy/patriliny. Their contention is that the existing arrangement is disempowering for men since they do not inherit ancestral property. We come now to the idea of “property”. Does “property” mean only land that has a collateral value? Or is the demand of the anti-heroines influenced by the market-driven economy where any borrowing from financial institutions necessitates mortgage of land? Are the proponents of patriarchy/patriliny really concerned about equity among the siblings? Or is the drive fomented by a desire to maximise profit by using land as a commodity to set up industrial enterprise and for providing collateral to banks against loans availed? I suspect that the motivating force behind seeking the change is again the market, which believes in the power of bargaining through physical possessions. In a sense therefore, the market compels people to override cultural practices whenever it suits them.

Ironically, the proponents of change cite the most ridiculous instances to buttress their claims. For instance, they assert that when property is in the hands of women, it tends to become an instrument of abuse by the person who she marries. Indirectly, the reference is to women who marry non-tribals and who allegedly permit their husbands to conduct business on their land or to use the proceeds accruing from land for maximising profits from other businesses.

Although this may be true to an extent, there are no examples to show that men are better custodians of land. Now there is no reason why a Khasi man cannot do what the non-tribal does and make maximum utilisation of land for profit. So the angst is rather incongruous.

Let me come back to the discussion on common property resources. Forests, farmland, water sources, and catchment areas have always been considered the property of the community. At that point of time, perhaps the community meant an economically homogenous group whose aspirations were not controlled by greed and the profit motive only. Clans and communities lived close to each other and cared for one another’s needs. Not everyone would construct houses at the same time because that would lead to over-exploitation of forests since timber is cut from the forests. The clan and community heads decided who would be allowed to build and when. Also, at the time, forests had not been commodified, just as land was not.

The beginning
The problem started when the market demanded timber. Then a few enterprising Khasis who were already market-savvy found it frustrating to have to deal with the community and seek their consent each time they needed to enter the forest for lumbering. This section of tribals circumvented the customary practices of community ownership and changed it to private proprietorship rights. Hence community forests, which used to be owned by the community and which provided firewood and non-timber forest products, became out of bounds for the community. Similarly, reserve forests acquired by government were also zealously guarded in case communities entered them for collecting firewood. Obviously this tribal elite could not have distorted the customary practices without the connivance of the syiem, the bakhraw, the sordar or the rangbah shnong. All the above-mentioned are custodians of customary laws and practices and have been vested that power by the people.

Between 1970 to 1990, the forests of Meghalaya were completely denuded through over-exploitation. The more striking examples of ruthless deforestation came from West Khasi Hills because it had the most luxuriant forests. Then in 1996 the Supreme Court came up with the 10-year moratorium for export of timber outside Meghalaya. The forest merchants were badly hit. So were the labourers who depended on lumbering. Although there was not a single concrete case of starvation that could be held up with empirical evidence, the media went to town on the issue of starvation. Probably, a section of the media was bankrolled to put up the appropriate write-ups to prop the issue of starvation deaths. The government of the time became hugely unpopular for not being able to persuade the apex court to rescind its earlier ruling. Thank God for that!

Surprisingly, neither the district councils nor the traditional institutions lifted a finger to enquire into the privatisation of community land. The former enjoyed the royalty accruing from timber and the latter were perhaps co-respondents in the timber-exploiting exercise.

Mining woes
Now we face a similar situation in the area of mining. All of Meghalaya is suddenly becoming private land. There is really very little land that still belongs to the community and over which they have usufruct rights and also the right to decide how that land is to be used. We have individuals, who upon seeing that a particular area is a water source, immediately decide to acquire it and then begin to exploit the source for private gain. The land used for mining was once owned by the community. That is no longer the case. The community has not only forfeited the land but also lost the right to put a ban on reckless mining and destruction of water sources. The community today does not even have a right to say that coal mine owners should plough back a percentage of their profits to sand-fill the abandoned mines. Only the mine owners have the money and clout to buy property and good neighbours in Shillong. So ultimately, the financially weak and therefore powerless people who have lost their right to assert their voices will be the ones to suffer. How did the Khasi community suddenly evolve as one that favours the affluent and dismembers the poor? What has gone wrong? We blame the modern democratic institutions for being impositions on our “purer, democratic” traditional institutions. But the question today is whether the traditional institutions have any space for the poor. Have these institutions not been captured by affluent tribals? The poor lose out anyway. For them it’s “heads the rich win, tails we the poor lose”. [PATRICIA MUKHIM, telegraphindia]


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