[Previous entry: "ANALYSIS - Govt seen drifting in talks with northeast rebels By Reuters Sunday August 13 By Biswajyoti Das"] [Next entry: "Struggle in decisive phase now: Isak Swu The Moring Express"]

08/14/2006: "NNCs, FGNs greet Naga people Nagaland Post"

NNCs, FGNs greet Naga people Nagaland Post
DIMAPUR, AUG 13 (NPN): The presidents of different groups of the Naga National Council (NNC) and the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) have greeted the Naga people on the eve of the 59th anniversary of Naga Independence Declaration (August 14).
Adinno Phizo: Adinno Phizo, president of one NNC faction, in her message said not long after Nagas led by A.Z. Phizo, declared independence on August 14, 1947, India "flagrantly invaded Nagaland in 1954" and in which thousands of Naga patriots sacrificed their lives for Naga freedom. She also said the Naga nation has more recently been plagued with a virulent Indian state sponsored terrorism perpetrated by a fake nationalist outfit peddling a false promised land.
The NNC president further deplored the alleged meddling by Naga NGOs in the "internal affairs of neighbouring Indian states" and said "it is unhelpful when some muddle NGOs, usually full of themselves, misrepresent our national stand and external relations disregarding its consequences."
I. Panger Walling: President of the rival NNC faction Gen. (Retd) I. Panger Walling said the NNC "the very foundation of the Nagas", had done all it could to fight for the inalienable right of the Nagas for sovereignty and to bring all the factions to the table of Naga National Unity which, he said, is the basic resolution and stand of the NNC for freedom. "But it is sad and very unfortunate to mention that the different factions do not want unity for their own selfish end and vested interest and rather work for 'destructive supremacy' over each other," Walling said.He also assured the people of Eastern Nagaland that the NNC would never discard or forget them.
Viyalie Metha: FGN kedahge (president) Gen (Retd) Viyalie Metha in his message said it was sad for the Naga people and unfortunate for the Indians that India continued its policy of aggression over Nagaland. He also accused India of persisting to further destroy Nagaland with its "notorious agenda" such as: To further divide Nagaland by erecting permanent fencing on top of Saramati mountain range, extracting oil and natural gas and other mineral resources, hoodwink Naga youth into its armed forces through economic strangulation and harboring terrorists and using them as its tool against Nagaland.
S. Singnya: Kedahge of another FGN faction, Brig (Retd) S. Singnya in a message on the eve of 60th Naga Independence Day said any solution to the Indo-Naga conflict can only come with mandate of the Nagas and not through polarizing with one underground group alone.
"India knows very well that the mandate lies with the NNC and the FGN and that has to be taken into confidence to bring a lasting and final solution not short of sovereignty," he said. Recounting the tremendous hardships, agony and destruction inflicted on Naga people, Singnya said the trials and tribulations are "lessons from our Lord to fully trust ands rely on Him for our deliverance by turning away from the vanity of human prude and prejudice."
ANSAM reacts to NPCC Nagaland Post
Dimapur, Aug 13 (NPN): The All Naga Students' Association Manipur (ANSAM) on Sunday said it was startled to go through the recent statement made by NPCC president Hokheto Sumi in connection with the demand for affiliation of all private schools in the four hill districts of Manipur to Nagaland Board of School Education (NBSE).
While appreciating NPCC concern that affiliating private schools from another State would add more problem to the State, the ANSAM in a statement issued by its Education and Statistic, Secretary, Daniel P.K, said the decision to grant affiliation to private schools under the NBSE was very much a matter of political decision of the concerned State legislature "apart from the positive level of honour and privilege it receives for such calls".
The ANSAM said the demand for affiliation by south Naga students to the NBSE was a conscious and deliberate action towards creating a common educational syllabus for a united vision.
It added the decision was made after a collective process of debates and discussions prior to launching of the movement and "we do not agree with the likely 'imposition' of NBSE syllabus as cited in the NPCC President's statement".
The ANSAM said "in any movement for change, there would be obvious hurdles and elements of uncertainties that need to be confronted and overcome, but to raise questions of clinical accuracy for outcome of such process is to negatively impede the struggle by creating confusion and raising false alarm in the mind of the common man, wherein the risk taking part which determines the success or failure of gaining such aspiration are stifled."
The ANSAM reiterated that it would uphold the non-violent "democratic decision" and continue working persistently towards achieving the objective of breaking down barriers that has kept the Naga students community emotionally, psychologically and physically divided.
It appealed to all concerned political parties to critically understand and support this initiative towards achieving a unified educational curriculum for all Naga students. Further, the ANSAM appealed to all Nagas, irrespective of interests and affiliations, to seriously concur and collectively work towards realizing the "just peace for the sake of generations yet to come".
From the margins Think innovatively, plan realisticaly, govern with participation Sanjoy Hazarika Guwahati
Last year, a team of 100 enumerators in eight states of the Northeast conducted a visioning exercise, focussing on the rural population, on what people wanted to see in their lives 15 years late. It reached virtually every district and over 40,000 rural households,. I discovered, as team leader, that this was the first time that anyone had come to them for their opinion on anything, especially on planning for their future. They were asked for their views on their priorities, dreams, and where they wanted to see a difference: quality and levels of health, education, governance, communications, agriculture development and rural development.
The survey clarified one thing – that basic minimum needs were yet to be met despite all the funds that had been poured into the region (a staggering estimated Rs 12,000 crore in both Plan and non-Plan projects in the past 15 years). For most households, health and education were top priorities. In addition, there were concerns about new livelihood opportunities and food security. Governance was seen as critical and received lowest marks in the survey but the interest in being involved in planning, reviewing and implementing government projects that had an impact on their lives was encouraging.
What relevance does this exercise have for the essays set forth in this magazine?
It’s simple: 60 years after Independence, barring some parts of India, most regions, especially places like the Northeast, which have been chronically unstable and devastated by both natural and man-made disasters, remain cut-off from the basics of good governance and transparency through public participation, which are at the heart of responsive governments and policies.
The region is among the most complex in Asia, with over 200 ethnic groups and as many languages and dialects. Just this one characteristic makes governance under the standard administrative format developed from colonial times, extremely difficult because there is an urgent need to respond to different local conditions. Then there is the problem of insurgencies and militancies, seeking separation from India or greater rights or just recognition. There is migration, largely from Bangladesh, and cross-state movements from places such as Bihar. Large populations are on the move, creating new faultlines in traditional societies.
To complicate matters here are eight states with a population of 40 million and barely one per cent of the region’s land borders are with India. Myanmar, China and Bangladesh and even little Bhutan have longer borders with the Northeast than mainland India.
We are not, for lack of space, getting into issues of insurgency, migration and other confrontations. Here the focus is on the questions of public participation and involvement in issues of governance and delivery of promises. While Arunachal Pradesh, the plains of Assam and Tripura as well as Manipur are covered by the 73rd and 74th Amendments with Panchayati Raj (PR) in the rural areas and municipal committees in the urban centres, there are special constitutional provisions for Nagaland, Meghalaya, Mizoram and the hill areas of Tripura and Assam which seek to give greater powers to local institutions.
The PR system does not apply to these specific areas. What works, to make matters more complex, are not just existing constitutional arrangements but also traditional institutions which are respected by local communities beyond the constitutional authorities. In states like Meghalaya, the state government depends on the village Durbors or councils of senior village figures (not unlike a panchayat) among the Khasis when issues at the village level have to be discussed, decisions taken and implemented. The Khasis have a finely structured system of advisers; there are similar institutions in other hill states like Nagaland with tribal associations, clubs and organisations.
There are other arrangements in place such as Article 371A of the Constitution under which Nagaland is not covered by legislation passed by Parliament unless enacted by the state legislature. In addition, there’s the Sixth Schedule which covers the hill states of Meghalaya, Mizoram as well as two districts in Assam and one in Tripura. Under the Sixth Schedule, tribal communities are technically protected from land alienation (by plains dwellers) and can set up Autonomous District Councils which function as the second tier of governance, with control over several subjects, but rarely do much beyond being the training ground for ambitious politicians wanting to graduate to the state level and beyond. At the village level, often the states depend on the traditional institutions although there are disturbing accounts of tribal elites buying out poor marginalised farmers in states like Meghalaya and acquiring their lands.
States and policy makers have gone wrong in the Northeast by not giving traditional institutions a constitutional role in governance, especially at the rural levels. This would have enabled them to access funds and implement policies but also make them accountable to the public, instead of operating as gender-insensitive fiefdoms. Decades have passed and it is only now that a discussion, if not a full debate, is taking place on delivery and governance mechanisms in the region. Views are growing louder that seek the involvement of traditional institutions but with extensive reforms including accountability, gender representation and democratic change – not selection by a clan or nomination by male elders.
In some tribes, for example, the male chief owns all property and can do with land as he wishes. And even though societies like the Khasis and Garos of Meghalaya are matrilineal (inheritance rights go to the daughter), women have little voice in political decision-making: they are not part of the councils although civil society groups are now demanding that right, pointing to the advantage their contemporaries have under the PR system elsewhere in the country. Such views have been strongly resisted by many traditional institutions, although this too is slowly changing.
Two pioneering institutions and innovations were launched by two IAS officials: one, in the 1980s, kicked off the village development boards in Nagaland by AM Gokhale, former secretary, Ministry of Mines, and a former chief secretary of Nagaland. Gokhale saw the need to devolve development funds to village levels instead of keeping these at state and district levels. This has worked to an extent but the second step for decentralisation came in the form of the Communisation Programme of Raghaw Pandey, also a chief secretary of the state, a couple of years ago.
Pandey looked at the biggest asset of the Nagas, their social capital, and proposed a structured approach that would give villagers control over state assets – thus teachers would be paid through an account in the village, not the state treasury; the local government school could take independent decisions on construction and so on. The programme is now mandated by law – it is not working as well as envisaged but provides a flexible, innovative way of developing participatory governance.
These are lessons which could be absorbed by other parts of the Northeast. With better governance, involving reformed traditional institutions and enabling local decision-making, many of the conflicts and bitterness could have been reduced, if not ended, assuaged, if not resolved. Partly because of this failure, we have paid heavily in terms of lives and time lost, energy drained, economic devastation and social disintegration.
Complex problems don’t necessarily require equally complex answers; sometimes, simple steps pave the way for change and resolution. This is where a decentralised approach to the ethnic weaves and demands of the Northeast has been missing. The moves suggested here can play a role in the greater democratisation and calming of a troubled region.
Moreh remains tense as protests over killing continue A Lalit Kangla On line

MOREH, Aug 13: Moreh remains tense since the kidnapping and murder of AMSU leader Sunil Agarwal by suspected Kuki militants even as security was tightened at the border town in an effort to bring Sunil`s dead body to Imphal for post mortem.

Though the JAC formed against Sunil`s killing, the AMSU and other civil society organisations are enforcing the indefinite bandh, passenger vehicles like buses, Tata Sumos and others which had remained stranded at the border town for the past three days were allowed to leave the town today for Imphal.

No vehicles were however allowed to enter the border town from Imphal side.

Amidst the bandh, a massive sit-in protest was being held in front of the Moreh police station demanding the tracing out of the culprits involved in the killing of Sunil and also a judicial probe into his kidnapping and killing by the government authorities.

Sunil`s dead body is still in police custody at Moreh as local womenfolk disallowed the police to take the body for post mortem to Imphal insisting that the JAC and family members would not claim the dead body until and unless authorities trace and nab the culprits involved in the killing.

The womenfolk also strongly alleged that both the Assam Rifles unit stationed at the border town and the police authorities failed to take action to trace the student leader even though information about his kidnapping was given in time.

The womenfolk also charged the AR unit at the border town of being communal.

In the meantime, additional security has been rushed to the border town from Imphal to bring back Sunil`s body to Imphal for post mortem.

The DIG (Range - II) Christopher Doungel, DC Chandel, ADC Moreh and other high ranking civil and police officers are currently stationed in the border town to strike a deal with the agitating people.

Late this evening, the JAC also submitted a memorandum to the civil and police authorities.

The memorandum maintained that the ongoing indefinite bandh and sit-in protest would continue till the government finds out as to why Sunil Agarwal was abducted and murdered and a judicial inquiry is constituted to probe the incident.

On the other hand, refuting the allegation of neglecting duties made by the members of the public, the police authorities at the border town maintained that the police were investigating into Sunil`s killing and making all out efforts to trace the culprits involved in the killing.
India seen drifting in talks with NE rebels Nagaland Post
GUWAHATI, AUG 13 (REUTERS): The Indian government has contained violence in its restive northeast by engaging rebel groups in peace talks, but analysts say it lacks a long-term strategy to resolve complex disputes in the remote region.
The largely hilly region, linked to the rest of India by a tiny strip of land just 32 km (20 miles) wide, is home to seven of India's 29 states and is surrounded by China, Myanmar, Bangladesh and Bhutan.
It is home to over 200 ethnic and tribal communities and two dozen rebel groups. Nine rebel outfits have entered peace talks with New Delhi and are observing ceasefires.
The last major success story came in 1985 when rebels in the largely Christian state of Mizoram signed a peace deal and joined the government to end a two-decade-old insurgency that claimed thousands of lives.
Since then there has been little to talk about apart from a peace deal with a minor rebel outfit in Assam in 2003.
Analysts say the government in New Delhi has failed to take advantage of a relative lull in violence and the willingness of militant leaders to talk.
"Some of them have voluntarily restrained their guns to find a solution but, with no clear policy about how to go about it, the government seems to be drifting," said Harekrishna Deka, a security analyst in Guwahati, the region's main city.
More than 50,000 people have been killed in nearly 60 years of conflict with militant groups, some of which are fighting for independence from India for their ethnic communities, more local autonomy or tribal rights.
Several lives are still lost each week to militant violence, while extortion and the kidnapping of businessmen have risen in recent months despite the ceasefires.
Officials warn that the interlocking territorial disputes are complex, and that giving in to one group would only fuel the demands from a host of others.
The government has ruled out independence and is trying to avoid opening a Pandora's Box of competing claims by redrawing state boundaries.
"The problem is that their demands are too complicated to agree to," said Khagen Sharma, a senior intelligence officer involved in the peace process with several groups.
Officials cite the example of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isaac-Muivah) (NSCN-IM), fighting for six decades for independence for the Nagas, a fierce warrior tribe.
The powerful insurgent group signed a ceasefire nine years ago but still insists on an independent homeland that includes the mainly Christian state of Nagaland as well as parts of the neighbouring states of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.
Opposition to the idea of losing territory to a "Greater Nagaland" provoked riots in Manipur in 2002, while land disputes led to clashes between Nagas and the Kuki tribe in the 1990s.
Any concession to the Nagas would almost certainly push Kuki rebel groups back to war, officials said.
"The only way out to reach some solution is to resolve the non-complicated issues first, keeping the vexed issues aside temporarily for later," Deka, a former top police officer, said.
With many rebel groups complaining that the Indian government is stripping the northeast of natural resources like timber, the government hopes that the carrot of economic development, coupled with compensation for rebel fighters, will be enough.
But groups like the NSCN-IM are refusing to take the bait.
Rebel leaders fear that New Delhi may be banking on their fighters becoming "complacent" after years of life in designated camps as part of ceasefire deals, analysts say.
But commentators warn that if guerrilla leaders do not win concrete concessions, their cadres will accuse them of frittering away the gains of years of struggle in the jungles and hills.
"There is a genuine feeling the government of India is not serious about finding solutions and wants talks to linger on," said Noni Gopal Mahanta, Coordinator of the Peace and Conflict Studies centre in Gauhati University.
Analysts say another factor undermining progress is a divide between political leaders who want purposeful talks and security officials who want rebel groups to disarm first or would like to see them crushed militarily.
"Peace initiatives remain stalemated because of the dominating attitude of the military and intelligence officers who always think they can squeeze the militants," Mahanta said.
59th Anniversary of Naga Independence Declaration-
I send my warmest greetings to our people as Nagaland commemorate the 59th Anniversary of Naga Independence Declaration to the world on 14 August. Even as our people endure unremitting Indian aggression, God is our comforter. We thank the Almighty God for ever shielding Naga nation against the forces of evil that set to destroy the existence of Nagaland. Nothing can deter the Nagas from asserting the right to exist as a free nation. It goes against the grain of reason that India persist with bully instead of ending the war against Nagaland. Not long after our sagacious Naga representatives led by A.Z.Phizo, declared to the world that the historically independent Naga country will remain independent on 14 August 1947, a day ahead of British India was granted independence by Great Britain, India flagrantly invaded Nagaland in 1954.
The Naga people kept their word with the Naga National Council (NNC) on 16 May 1951, and in defending Naga nation, many thousands Naga patriots sacrificed their lives for our freedom. Moreover, the Indian army brutally caused the death of well over 100,000 Naga civilians. We will never forget our people who sacrificed their lives for the just cause of Naga nation. More recently our nation has been plagued with a virulent Indian state sponsored terrorism perpetrated by a fake nationalist outfit peddling a false promised land. The inconvenient truth about the outfit fantasy is that it had no historical or political link with modern Nagaland. Unlike Nagaland with a democratic tradition, its Marxist "collective leaders" and most of its "cadres" belong to a Naga community domicile in neighbouring Indian state of Manipur.
The leaders of the community in question originally refused to join Naga nation in 1947 and only after the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) and the Government of India signed an international Cease-fire Agreement in 1964, had a change of mind. Clearly, some people have short memory that they could inordinately deride the Naga stand represented by NNC and FGN as "dead". NNC caution our people, under no circumstances, ostracize a community for the blemish of a few. Bearing in mind our ancestral tradition of honouring ones word, Lakhuti Resolution, and the Naga Constitution, any Naga who attempt to subvert or undermine Naga sovereignty shall be deemed a traitor. The incongruous Delhi evil intention to trample on Naga sovereignty has been perceived by every civilize society as a humiliating disaster for India with super power ambition. Over five decades our brave Nagas refused to be intimidated by Indian bully. It is unlikely to enhance India's image by further resorted to aid and abet a fake nationalist outfit not party to the conflict with India to wage a proxy war against Nagaland. If Delhi persist with the idea of circumventing Naga democracy represented by NNC and FGN, the ramification is likely to be far reaching.
Our resilient Naga people know we are defending freedom against the Indian aggressors. We want our people to appreciate that the strength of our small nation always has been unity of purpose. Amazingly, the cohesion of Naga society stood the test of time and we are confident that insidious alien blame culture and a reversal to parochial in-fighting creeping into Naga political scene in recent years can be prevented by involving the silent majority. It is unhelpful when some muddle NGOs, usually full of themselves, misrepresent our national stand and external relations disregarding its consequences. In this connection, NNC deplore Naga NGOs meddling in the internal affairs of neighbouring Indian states, As much as our people desire for the total withdrawal of the Indian occupation army and its camp followers from Nagaland, it cannot be right that NGOs from Nagaland are seen interfering in others problem. Nagaland has a purpose, let us stand together on the just cause of Naga nation.
May God bless Nagaland.Urra Uvie. Adinno Phizo, President, NNC.
My Dear Naga people,
I am honoured and privileged to stand once again on this special occasion for the Nagas to celebrate our Naga Independence Day and address the Nation as the oldest man amongst the National leaders at present. I personally wish our people on this occasion a very prosperous life amidst trouble in the Homeland. May God forgive, protect and defend the Naga people for His glory at this day of crisis. The Naga National Council had declared Independence on this day 59 years ago to live as a free and Independent Nation and the N.N.C being the supreme Political Organisation of the Nagas solemnly celebrate this day of ours as a people and Nation every year to mark the historic declaration. The N.N.C is looking forward to be recognized by the world body and the community of Nations of this very declaration legally and politically as a free and independent Nagaland. The N.N.C will work towards these end till Nagaland is officially recognized by the United Nations as a member state in this 21st century.
The N.N.C, the very foundation of the Nagas had done all the political landmark which cannot be changed or denied by anybody or any force which are the inalienable rights of the Nagas for sovereignty. Therefore, I call upon my people to renew our faith in the Naga sovereignty for the better future of the Nagas for good. I also sincerely appeal to the Naga intellectuals to come forward to shoulder the responsibility of this great cause of humanity as we the elderly people did our part without failing in our duty for the last more than 50 years and we are retiring as we are old enough in this great cause of the Nagas.
Today, I on behalf of the Naga people greets all of our supporters and the South East Asian People who stood against the imperialist forces like the Nagas for freedom. The N.N.C support all those who stood for their freedom relentlessly. Let us rise up together to defeat the common enemy to achieve our respective goal. The N.N.C had worked very hard to bring all the factions to the table of reconciliation of the Naga National Unity which is the basic resolution and stand of the N.N.C for freedom. But it is sad and very unfortunate to mention that the different factions do not want unity for their own selfish end and vested interest and rather work for "destructive supremacy" over each other. And the very sincere and honest efforts of N.N.C were sabotaged by vested interest. This is why the N.N.C kept quiet for sometime and have watched the situation without any comment. The Nagas must know that when the real peace and unity work is opposed then the worst day of killing always comes in the Naga homeland. But today, I must tell you that without real reconciliation and unity prevail in the Homeland, there will be no freedom and peace for the Naga people. Let us accept the reality and work for the better future of the Nagas rather than look at the past and stick for revenge.
I must tell the Naga people today that the N.N.C is very much alive and working for the Naga sovereignty and the very political institution of the Nagas will be there as long as the Nagas lives on this earth. I am really sad to see in the media that NSCN (I-M) always criticize the N.N.C, the very Political foundation of the Nagas as a people and Nation just because of some Naga traitors and Leaders who failed in their duty for the Nation and betrayed the Nagas. Therefore, I appeal the NSCN (I-M) not to criticize the Political Institution (N.N.C) of the Nagas anymore but instead blame and pinpoint the leaders who betrayed the Naga Nation.
The N.N.C also welcome and supports those who renounced the Shillong Accord of 1975 and discard the Transit camp. The Brig. S. Singu, The President of Federal Government of Nagaland who Politically and clearly stated the Transit campers as Accordist and not N.N.C or Federal members. This is a Political statement clearly stated to the world and the Nagas in particular sometime ago. The N.N.C welcome the political stand taken by the F.G.N for the interest of the Naga people and freedom. The N.N.C also condemn all those vested interest in the Naga society for creating and confusing the Naga people in particular and the world in general by saying "Equi-closeness & Reconciliation" a few years ago, next comes the "Integration" of only an Indian occupied Western Nagaland discarding Eastern Nagaland and then now an "Interim arrangement". Maybe in the near future "State Election" for their interest forgetting all the earlier slogans and policies. Do not confused the people anymore otherwise, you will be cursed by the people now and the future generations too.
I am really pained to see the factions killing each other even today in the Homeland without the Christian Spirit of forgiving each other as the believer of Jesus Christ. This is the most abominable act of hatred and revenge which will destroy the whole Naga populace. I sincerely appeal NSCN (I-M), NSCN (K) and FGN to stop killing each other in the name of our living God before the situation go beyond control. The leaders are held responsible for all these killings and they already stand condemned, they also will be cursed by the Generations to come because of their unforgiving and stubborn nature.
Today, I humbly appeal all concerned to come together to form a common platform for the salvation of our people and Nation for good. This is the only way for peace and freedom for the Nagas.
Last but not the least, I salute all the Naga martyrs' who sacrificed their lives for the Naga sovereignty. May God bless their souls on this Naga Independence Day and I thank all the participants on this occasion and the Naga people who celebrate our Independence day throughout the Naga area. KUKNALIM.
Gen. (Retd) I. Panger Walling, President, NNC.
NNC press statement-
The Naga National Council had declared Naga Independence on 14th August 1947 to live as a free and Independent Nation. But because of the total negligence of the British Government towards the Nagas after the declaration of the Naga Hills Excluded Area of 1935 as an Act in their Parliament during there rule in India.
The Govt. of India after becoming a free Nation forcibly occupied the Naga Hills Excluded Area (Nagaland) with her armed forces . This was done in complete violation of International Law and therefore , the War started from 1954 onwards between India and Nagaland. This all happened because of the British Government's biggest political blunder committed against the Naga people.
And it is a shame and lie on the part of British Government to keep silent for the last 59 years to let the Naga people suffer and die even in this 21st century. Therefore , the NNC condemn the British Government in toto for their negligence in this 21st century once again.
The NNC also condemn once again the Government of India for their occupation of Nagaland till date without solving the political problem of occupation after having cease-fires and political talks with the Nagas many times from 20th Century to 21st Century.
It is a sin and shame for the largest Democracy of the World, India, to suppress, oppress and subjugate her neighbour Nagaland.
The Government of India who created and converted East Pakistan into Bangladesh speaks for Palestine, Lebanon and for World peace have always applied "divide & rule" and " divide& destroy" policies in Nagaland to finish the Naga people.
As a Government, India will do these political games but it will affect them immensely. The whole North East is affected and it is going deep inside the mainland of India. And ultimately , India may break into pieces because of her intransigence stand against the Nagas for decades.
For the Nagas, till Nagaland is freed , the Nagas will fight generation after generation to free the Land of our birthright for which thousands and thousands of Nagas have already sacrificed their lives. Therefore ,the NNC call upon all the Naga people to renew our faith in the Naga Freedom for the better future of the Nagas.
Today , therefore, the NNC sincerely appeal one and all to pray and solemnly observe and celebrate the 14th August of the Naga Independence Day through out the Naga area.
KUKNALIM. Vizosielhou Nagi, General Secretary, Naga National Council.
PM likely to make major announcement From Kalyan Barooah Assam Tribune
NEW DELHI, Aug 13 – Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh is likely to make a major announcement regarding the ULFA peace process on August 15, even as National Security Adviser (NSA), MK Narayanan clarified that he was not aware of any instructions to suspend Army operations against ULFA. Just as in Asom, there was all- round confusion in Delhi as well, with officials in Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) and Defence in dark about the sudden move to suspend operations.

Secrecy shrouding the whole affair indicates that Prime Minister might make some kind of announcement when he addresses the nation on August 15.

Sources in the MHA confirming that the instructions to suspend operations have gone out, however, pleaded that it was not their call.

The Army spokesman when contacted said the Defence Ministry has not issued any communiqué in this regard. However, he added that though such orders flow from Delhi, the Tezpur-based 4 Corps normally handles such things.

Talking to this newspaper, the NSA said that he was not aware of any such instruction, neither was he involved with the peace process. It is being handled by the MHA. Officials suspected that ULFA might use some other channel to secretly contact the Government of India bypassing the PCG. “That’s the only possible explanation,” argued an official of the MHA.
Indo-Bangla border still tense By A Staff Reporter Assam Tribune
GUWAHATI, Aug 13 – Though no fresh incident has been reported from any part of the Asom-Bangladesh border in Cachar district, the situation in the area is still tense and a flag meeting was held among the officials of the Border Security Force (BSF) and the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) near the border today in a bid to defusing the tension. Police sources in the Barak valley told The Assam Tribune that some of the people living near the Border outposts of the BSF, which were targeted by the BDR have been shifted to safer places after the death of two women in BDR firing. Though the reason for the flaring up of the situation in the Harinagar area of the international border is not yet known, BSF claimed that the BDR first opened fire and only then the BSF men retaliated. Sources said that the displaced people have been lodged in relief camps opened at school and club buildings at a safe distance from the international border. However, some of the male members of the families living near the international border are still in their houses and have sent the women and children to the camps.

Sources said that Cachar district has 32 kilometres of international border with Bangladesh, of which only eight kilometres are land border and the rest is riverine border. Sources said that 220 acres of land in the Harinagar area across the Surma River is the troubled area as in the past also, there were problems in the area following an attempt by Bangladeshi nationals to cultivate the area.

Sources said that the Assam Police men have been posted along the international border behind the BSF to act as the second line of defence to prevent any foreigner from sneaking across to India and the personnel of the second line of defence has been alerted. Joint patrolling by the BSF and Assam Police personnel are also on along the international border, sources said. It may be mentioned here that the second line of defence was created to apprehend the infiltrators who manage to sneak past the first line of defence, that is the BSF personnel posted along the border.

Halting military operations in Assam could bring peace By IANS
Monday August 14, 09:41 AM
Guwahati, Aug 14 (IANS) New Delhi's snap decision to halt anti-insurgency operations in Assam is seen as a masterstroke in saving a fragile peace in the region from breaking down.
The timing of the announcement of suspension of military operations against the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was even more significant as it came despite a wave of separatist bombings in the last few days that killed 10 people and wounded 50 others.
'As a goodwill gesture, the central government decided to suspend all offensive operations against militants in the state with immediate effect (late Sunday) for a period of 10 days,' Assam chief secretary S. Kabilan told IANS.
'Police would, however, maintain law and order duties.'
There were clear signs that the much-hyped peace process initiated by the ULFA in October last year was on the brink of collapse with the rebel group staging a string of explosions in the past week, including a landmine explosion that killed six police commandos.
The ULFA came back with a vengeance Aug 5 after lying low for nearly 45 days following union Home Minister Shivraj Patil's call for 'restraint' by both security forces and the rebels.
The ULFA, a rebel group fighting for an independent Assamese homeland since 1979, is engaged in talks with New Delhi through intermediaries - collectively called the People's Consultative Group (PCG) -- comprising civil society leaders.
The 11 intermediaries were chosen by the ULFA last October to begin exploratory talks with New Delhi. The PCG has held three rounds of talks aimed at paving the way for direct dialogue between New Delhi and the ULFA leadership. The first round was chaired by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Oct 26. The last round, held in New Delhi on June 22, was led by Shivraj Patil.
In that round of discussions, both sides had called for restraint with New Delhi promising to set free five top jailed ULFA leaders to facilitate direct talks.
But since the June 22 talks, New Delhi faltered on the commitments and instead stepped up its anti-insurgency operations against the ULFA, killing at least 16 rebels and capturing half a dozen.
The ULFA warned the government, saying New Delhi was going back on its promise of restraint and was taking no steps to release its jailed leaders. And with contradictory statements being made by both the Assam government and New Delhi regarding direct talks and the question of releasing the imprisoned leaders, ULFA's patience wore thin and it began a massive counter-attack last week.
Despite a heavy security blanket, ULFA bombers managed to wreak havoc hurling grenades and triggering blasts with ease, putting the state authorities to shame. There was panic all around and with Independence Day approaching, New Delhi decided to don the thinking cap and offer a temporary cessation of operations.
This is a move that could put the ULFA on the back-foot and force the outfit to respond positively with a similar truce.
Another aspect that New Delhi should now work on is to set the bureaucratic wheel moving to get the five jailed ULFA leaders released so that the outfit does not have any grouse left not to come for direct dialogue with the government.
If the ULFA, even after such positive gestures from New Delhi, dithers on holding talks, it would be suicidal for the rebels as the commoners in Assam, who are craving for peace, would never forgive the outfit.
It is believed that once direct talks begin, a new era of hope and peace would dawn in this restive state where the drumbeat of violence echoes almost every single day.
'We want an end to all forms of bloodshed,' Indira Goswami, a noted Assamese writer and sought by the ULFA to mediate for peace talks, told IANS.
Another Bangladeshi Destination Nagaland does not share a direct land border with Bangladesh, but illegal migrants are infiltrating into the state from Assam, with which Nagaland shares a nearly 500-kilometre-long land border.
Unabated illegal immigration of Bangladeshis into Nagaland is emerging as a major problem in the state, threatening to assume proportions that have already disrupted populations and peace in the Northeastern neighbourhood. Better economic prospects and a shortage of local labour are compounded by a critical absence of mechanisms to prevent such an influx. Despite their serious demographic, economic, security and political ramifications on a tiny state like Nagaland, these developments continue to remain substantially outside the realm of the security discourse in the country.
Nagaland does not share a direct land border with Bangladesh, but illegal migrants are infiltrating into the state from Assam, with which Nagaland shares a nearly 500-kilometre-long land border.

Areas around Dimapur town and the foothills along the Assam-Nagaland border have emerged as the prime targets of migration, spreading gradually thereafter into other distant locales. The very cosmopolitan nature of the Dimapur area makes detection of illegal migrants a difficult task. Worse, the illegal migrants are also in possession of valid official documents like ration cards and voter identity cards procured from the states of Assam or West Bengal, where these are available against a small bribe. The fact that Dimapur town and its surrounding areas are not covered under the Inner Line Permit (ILP) system, which prohibits all non-Naga outsiders (including Indian citizens) to settle in the area, is visibly being exploited by the immigrants before they trickle into other areas of the state.
Once in Nagaland, the illegal migrants manage to get absorbed in widely available occupations, including agricultural labour, domestic helps, rickshaw pullers, manual labourers in construction sites and shop attendants. Besides, a section among the locals patronize them by providing land for cultivation and temporary settlements. Bangladeshis, providing cheap labour, have become the preferred option, rather than the relatively expensive and inadequate pool of local workers.

Accurate estimates of the numbers of illegal migrants staying in Nagaland are not easy to come by. Available estimates vary between 75,000 and 300,000. Despite the absence of a precise figure, these estimates underscore the magnitude of the crisis in this tiny state, which has a total population of barely two million. Surprisingly, the Dimapur area alone is believed to have more than 100,000 illegal migrants. Way back in February 1999, the former Nagaland Chief Minister and currently the Governor of Goa, S.C. Jamir said that there were about 60,000 Bangladeshis illegally staying in Dimapur.
The continuing influx of illegal migrants has created a serious threat of destablisation in the state, with migrants progressively usurping the economic base of the Nagas. In major marketing areas of the state like Dimapur, they have already secured considerable influence in trade and commerce and this is expanding rapidly. Muslim migrants today run almost half of the shops in Dimapur, the biggest commercial hub of the state. In 2003, a local newspaper editorial noted succinctly, "There is no denying the fact that on any Muslim religious day, at least half of the shops in Kohima and some seventy five per cent in Dimapur, remain closed. The point is that this is a clear indication of how much the migrants have been able to make an impact on trading."

A survey conducted by the Nagaland state Directorate of Agriculture in 2003 revealed that about 71.73 per cent of the total business establishments in the state were controlled and run by ‘non-locals’ including both legal and illegal migrants. According to the report, out of the 23,777 shops in the state, the local people own only 6,722 shops (that is 28.27 per cent). While the report made no effort to separately identify illegal migrants among the shop owners, there is a large body of supplementary evidence that suggests their sizeable presence. Illegal migrants are also acquiring land and other immovable properties in collusions with their local sympathizers.

The impact of Bangladeshi migrants is also visible in the unstable demographic profile of the state. With a population of 19,88,636 under the Census of 2001, Nagaland recorded the highest rate of population growth in India, from 56.08 per cent in 1981-1991 to 64.41 per cent in the decade, 1991-2001. Significantly, the population growth was been uniform throughout the state. Several areas in the Dimapur and Wokha Districts bordering Assam have recorded exceptionally high population growth. Wokha district, bordering the Golaghat District of Assam, recorded the highest population growth of 95.01 per cent between 1991 and 2001, the highest figure for any district in the entire country. Evidently, the silent and unchecked influx of illegal migrants in the District, has played a crucial role in this abnormal growth. Migrants marry locals to secure legal and social acceptability for their stay in the state. As a result, a new community locally called ‘Sumias’ has emerged in some parts of the state. These ‘Sumias’ are estimated in the several thousands and are concentrated mainly in the Dimapur and Kohima Districts. There are rising fears among locals that voters’ list are now being doctored to accommodate the "Sumias" as well as other migrants. These apprehensions have been further reinforced by the fact that, as the Census 2001 records, the population of Muslims in the state has more than trebled in the past decade, from 20,642 in 1991 to more than 75,000 in 2001. Illegal migrants are widely believed to account for an overwhelming proportion of this recorded increase.

Worried by such developments the vocal Naga Students’ Federation (NSF) has sought to impose restrictions on Naga girls marrying illegal migrants. On August 10, 2003, a Naga student leader said that the NSF has already imposed a ban on Naga girls marrying illegal migrants from Bangladesh. However, he also regretted the fact that the ban could not be strictly implemented. On some occasions, the student body also claimed to have ‘deported’ illegal settlers from the state. Unfortunately, those deported reportedly came back after a brief stay in neighbouring Assam. The state government has also claimed to have deported about 20,000 infiltrators between 1994 and 1997, but most of them were again reported to have come back. In any event, such claims of ‘deportation’ have little meaning as they involve nothing more than dumping the illegal migrants from one Indian state to another. The presence of large number of foreign nationals has also created a vulnerable constituency for exploitation by hostile Bangladeshi and Pakistani Intelligence services. The threat has been further compounded with the emergence of several Islamist extremist groups in the region, who secure support from Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence and the Bangladeshi Directorate General of Forces Intelligence.

The debate on migration from Bangladesh has been politicized in the past, contributing directly to demographic destabilization in Nagaland and the wider Northeastern neighbourhood. Successive central and state governments have proved ineffective in formulating workable measures to stop the flow of illegal migrants into the country in general and the Nagaland in particular, and this neglect is extracting an increasing price in social, economic and security terms as time goes by, and threatens to secure the dimensions of a major internal security crisis in the foreseeable future.

[M. AMARJEET SINGH, outlookindia]