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05/05/2006: "Church Role In Conflict"


Church Role In Conflict Nagarealm.com
In the northeastern frontier, and more so in the predominantly tribal states like Mizoram, Nagaland and Meghalaya, the Church has played a key role in shaping the world view of its adherents. Tribes have abandoned many of their primordial values to adapt and assimilate what they have been told is a more progressive faith, divorced from superstitions and the worship of nature and of deities. In their enthusiasm to imbibe the values of Christianity, the tribes have somehow jettisoned their priceless value systems which are based on a deep respect for truth, justice and an attitude of mutual helpfulness. Also left behind in the dustbin of human history is the respect for human life and all that it symbolises. There is an unceasing desire to possess all the good things of life.

The negatives are what have created a muddle in our present societies. They have caused a spiritual vacuum even as the race towards materialism and creature comforts is assuming a frenetic pace. Since the human person is not just all flesh but encompasses the spiritual and mental as well, he is very often unwillingly drawn into periods of introspection. This reflection causes a kind of spiritual spasm that twitches at the soul and the conscience. An inner conflict like a raging storm begins to torment our souls. If we have time to listen to our conscience and unravel the mysterious, muddled thoughts, the result would be a better human being. Sadly many of us are afraid of silence. Nor are we ready to disentangle the spiritual knots for fear that we might have to face up to some of the harsh realities of our negative actions. As a result, we shut up that voice before it becomes too jarring.

The inner voice Moral science lessons we learnt as youngsters say the still small voice is our conscience telling us to shun the path of cruelty and criminality and to do what is right. It guides us on the path of reason and humanity. That voice is not the exclusive brand equity of Christians alone. Every human being possesses it. But whether every person listens to that voice is another matter. The pursuit of wealth and “happiness” (almost as if wealth is equal to happiness) somehow detracts us from daily introspection, which is integral to our holistic development as wholesome human beings.

Mahatma Gandhi had a schedule of evening devotion where he would reflect on his daily actions. Perhaps that is what gave the Mahatma the strength to shun political ambition and to reflect instead on social liberties such as the emancipation of dalits and others who were at the lower rung of the social ladder. Iconoclasts, and there are many in this new age, would pooh-pooh such ideas. But the fact is that all new-age gurus, including those with a huge following like Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, have always stressed meditation as an antidote to the poison that we accumulate in our daily interface with the world around us and the conflict within our inner selves.
Introspection involves not just a recognition of our sinful nature but also of making reparation for the wrongs we have committed.

‘Silent’ response A thought that often comes to mind is whether Christians have enough time for introspection or whether church services have become noisy, verbose affairs that do not convict the sinner but are palliatives to the troubled conscience. How else does one explain the fratricidal killing among the Nagas when every militant camp has a regular ritual of prayers, Bible reading and exhortation? Christians are often very condescending towards people who follow other religions. Non-believers are called gentiles. The more supercilious rightists would even label non-Christians as “idol worshippers” who are doomed to hell.
With that kind of argument, you would think that Bible-thumping preachers would be shaken at the number of murders that are committed in Nagaland on a daily basis. You would expect the Church to be indignant and to protest and consider some kind of positive action against this tendency. But the Church seems to have lost its voice of prophecy. Are church leaders also afraid of reprisals from one or other militant camp? Or is the Church indirectly aligned with one militant group and therefore acquiesces with what that group does for fear of offending it? If that is the case, can the Church still call itself the united body of Christ?

Most of the wrongdoings such as factional killings and extortion, which are grievous acts of criminality even by common state law, seem to have been condoned by the Church. Otherwise, why should the Church not speak up and exhort people to resist extortion and rise against the gun culture.

Naga exodus Despite the ceasefire, militants are roaming around with weapons in many districts of Nagaland and Manipur in a manner that is meant to intimidate and to extract compliance from businessmen or government officials who are targets of extortion.

Is this the kind of climate that the Naga people want indefinitely? Do they want their young to leave their hearths and homes and seek mental peace elsewhere because the atmosphere is too dense with gunpowder? Almost every commercial establishment in Delhi today has one or two Naga girls as shop assistants. Although this is not a bad thing to happen and Nagas are integrating very well into the “Indian” milieu, the question is whether they do so out of choice or because of economic and other compulsions. Is it fear that is driving them away to safer environs?

Free platform Every Naga youth is of course eagerly awaiting the day when the ongoing peace process ceases to be merely a process but becomes a reality. But no one is really sure if that day will come soon. In fact, no one really knows what is actually transpiring between the NSCN (I-M) and Union government. Does every Naga know what the NSCN (I-M) leadership aspires for? Does that aspiration include the dream of every Naga right down to the last man in the hamlet of Mon or Tuensang districts?

With the Naga Hoho having become almost defunct and its various wings totally co-opted by the NSCN (I-M), it is time for the Church to raise its prophetic voice now or never. Hopefully the Church, one hopes, is not co-opted by any of the factions and therefore free from all encumbrances and obligations. The Church must provide the platform for the faithful to speak up and say what they want. This free platform for liberal ideas has never been raised in the past. People do not say what they feel in their hearts for fear of getting a bullet. In this climate of tension and intimidation, how can people breathe peacefully leave alone hope for peace now or in the future? The Church has a role in disarming all those who stand in the way of true peace, which frankly speaking, does not hinge on the NSCN(I-M)-Centre talks.

True peace comes from within the heart and it reigns only when guns are silenced and people learn to appreciate and give space to dialogue and dissent. At the moment, the Church seems to be the only body that can bring sanity and peace in the long run. It can do that not by silencing believers into acquiescence but by empowering them to speak the truth that is in their hearts. [PATRICIA MUKHIM, telegraphindia]
NSCN (K) claims IM-MLA link By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express
IMPHAL, May 4 : The NSCN (K) has claimed that it possesses documentary proof which allegedly suggest close ties between the rival IM group and MLA samuel Jendai as well as attempt by MPCC (I) president Gaikhangam to float a new armed outfit. According to a spokesperson of NSCN (K), Zeliangrong Region the unholy alliances of the two legislators came to light when its cadres raided a rival hideout at Alingson village (Khungdon Khun-khai) under Nungba PS of Tamenglong district on May 2. A money receipt recovered from the busted camp indicated that Samuel Jendai had provided Rs 10 lakhs to the IM group, said the spokesperson while speaking to the media somewhere in Imphal East district today. While asserting that the receipt copy is in the possession of the NSCN (K) and any interested person may verify the same, he also accused Gaikhangam of collaborating with IM leaders to form the new outfit.
Elaborating , the spokesperson said during the same attack documents indicating correspondence between the MPCC chief and top IM leaders have been retrieved. On Gaikhangam’s intimation chief of army of the NSCN (IM) Hansi had instructed operation com- mander of the outfit’s MP battalion Maj Luikham to cease all military offensive against the new outfit, claimed the spokesperson who also added that copies of Hansi’s instruction to Luikham and the latter’s acknowledgement letter which also listed seized weapons are in possession of the K group.
Contending that the seized weapons listed in the letter indicate seven in total, the spokesperson also rubbished politicians making a hue and cry over existence of large number of insurgent groups as cover-up exercise of their own sinister designs.
In the May 2 morning offensive wherein the IM cadres suffered casualties in the nearly four hour battle, the K raiders chased the rival fighters upto Lanka, he said and maintained that the items recovered from the busted hideout include huge consignment of condoms. He also recalled of similar items recovered from the Kei-mai camp of IM group in another attack in 2003.
referring to the condom recovery, the spokesperson questioned whether IM cadres involved in the insurgency movement under ‘Nagaland for Christ’ slogan is carrying the condoms for awareness campaign or are themselves adopting safety measures from the dreaded disease.
In another recent encounter (May 3) at Joujang one chinese rifle, sniper rifle and camera each, along with seven uniforms, 50 round of ammunition and Rs 25,000 were recovered from an IM camp, the spokesperson claimed. Informing that there was no casualty on either side in the second attack, he said both the IM hideouts had been burnt down. Reacting to IM’s insistence on involvement of UNLF and KNF activists whenever their (IM) camp is attacked, the spokesperson in a lighter vein said time has come for responsible IM leaders to proof such claims before their sub-ordinates shift blame on US Army on future attacks. He also demanded that IM leader Winning substantiate claim that K group suffered many casualties in the Alingson attack.
UNC to stage rally on May 13 Nagarealm.com
KOHIMA, MAY05: In view of the Indo-NSCN (IM) political talk scheduled to be held from May 18 to May 20 at Armsterdam, the United Naga Council (UNC) is organising a massive rally in support of the peace process on May 13 in the four hill districts of Tamenglong, Senapati, Ukhrul and Chandel. "At this history making period, we sincerely appeal to every Naga citizen and Church members to participate in this rally, in all the four hill districts.
"We also appeal to all the Churches to have a special prayer programme on this Sunday May 7 for honourable solution on Naga issue.
Let us unite together in prayer", said the UNC statement. The peace talk between the NSCN (IM) and GoI has been dragging on for the last eight years. [NNN]
Karbi rally for peace Correspondent Nagaland Post
Diphu, May 4: A massive rally, taken out here on Thursday under the aegis of District Citizens' Peace Forum (DCPF), called upon the people of Northeast, particularly Assam, Nagaland and Meghalaya, for showing solidarity with the victims of ethnic violence.
The rally expressed deep concern over manifestations of intolerance which were affecting hundreds of people throughout the Northeast thereby fanning fanaticism and inter-ethnic rivalries.
The speakers at the rally including Rev. Laldawngliana, Administrative Secretary, Presbyterian Church of India, Shillong, Rev. W.C. Khongwin, Presbyterian Church of India, Tom Mangattuthazhe, Joint Secretary DCPF, Rev. Dr. Socrow Rongpi, Chairman DCPF, Rev. W. Teron, Vice Chairman of DCPF and Rev. P.B.M. Bosoiawmit, Presbyterian Church of India, Shillong said that people affected by ethnic violence could not be ignored just because they belonged to different community or culture.
Stating that cultural differences have indeed been the cause of numerous conflicts, they agreed that mutual acceptance led to peace. The speakers maintained that "violence is not genetically programmed into human nature and neither a part of our evolutionary legacy, nor of our genes".
Further, they said that in today's world "respect becomes not only a virtue but a condition for the survival". The participants appealed to all to multiply and unite their efforts towards a peaceful settlement of conflicts through dialogue and discourse. Considering responsibility towards future generations, they also appealed to "political representatives and all communities to use their authority and influence for strengthening the spirit of tolerance and mutual understanding in order to avoid hostility.
Further, they appealed to teachers and parents of all communities to inculcate in children and youth the spirit of openness and respect for other people, to foster the ideals of tolerance and rejection of violence. Acknowledging the role of media in upholding peace, the speakers urged journalists to show personal responsibility while covering the cultural and socio-economic lives of other people. They also appealed to the youth of all communities to strengthen mutual understanding and friendship with other people of their age, to study the languages and culture, to value and respect the diversity of culture as the common heritage of humanity and to express solidarity against violence.
Behind the Bamboo Curtain: Culture in Myanmar COMMENTARY Danee The Morung ExpressVoorhees
Imagine a country relatively untouched by the influences of global culture and media, where you’re hard pressed to find a Coca Cola. McDonalds in Bangladesh, yes, Starbucks in the Philippines, for sure, but you can find neither here. Armani’s never even heard of it.
For Myanmar (formerly known as Burma), who closed its borders in the 1960s to foreigners to protect against “alien influence” and the evils of the West during the “Burmese Path of Socialism,” this isn’t a fairy tale. The Myanmese dress in traditional garb; men and women both wear the longyi, a tube-like skirt of multicolored plaid that knots in the front. Myanmese TV shows tapes of traditional dances, and everyone knows the old stories and songs. Men and women paint their faces with thanaka. There is little evidence of the presence of multinational corporations.
Like the nearby country of Bhutan, which requires all citizens, including minorities, to wear traditional Buddhist dress when attending public ceremonies and visiting schools, Buddhist religious buildings, monasteries and government offices, the Myanmese government has gone to great lengths to preserve the traditional Bamar culture and keep the influence of the West to a minimum. The new Prime Minister of Myanmar, Khin Nyunt, once summed up their position on foreign influence, saying, “cultures and standards of large countries with the upper hand in technology and economy have been breaking up, overwhelming and changing national values and traditional cultures of smaller ones,” and that it was up to the country’s youth to preserve and maintain traditional culture. At different times, his government has outlawed rock n’ roll, break dancing, and Western-style dress.
Indeed, the government, known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), remains cautious of foreigners. When travelers were allowed back into the country in the 1980s, visas were issued for seven days only. Travelers were required to stay in government owned guesthouses, and register with the local police wherever they went. There were permitted areas and forbidden areas for travelers. There was even special money foreigners were supposed to use, called FECs (Foreign Exchange Certificates). Foreign journalists were not granted visas, and suspected journalists were denied visas or deported. There was even a limit to how much film could be brought in. In some ways, it was much like traveling to North Korea today. Tourist money was certainly welcome, but were the tourists?
Slowly, the regime worked out ways to handle travelers. Like Bhutan, who used to limit the number of visas granted per year (about 2,000) and didn’t open their borders to outsiders until 1974, they desired a way to limit the influx of change that accompanies large herds of tourists to their destination.
Today, most travelers are allowed twenty eight day visits and can stay in private guesthouses, because tourists mean tourist money. And in the face of international tourism boycotts advanced by such groups as the Boycott Burma Campaign and the Free Burma Coalition, they need to accommodate the travelers who do make it to the country the best they can. However, these travelers remain subject to surveillance. FECs remain in circulation, and certain districts remain off limits to foreigners. Foreign journalists are still not allowed in the country, and suspected journalists are questioned and followed.
Limits on travel don’t only apply to people coming in; they also apply to Myanmese citizens. The SPDC restricts the movement of it’s citizens, internally and when going abroad. They make it particularly difficult for females to obtain passports. Women under the age of 25 are not allowed out of the country without a guardian, and marriage of females to foreigners is banned, though this ban is difficult to enforce. Prime Minister Khin Nyunt even reportedly disowned his son when he married a foreigner. Contact with the “other” is to be avoided as much as possible.
It is also difficult to obtain information about the outside world in the country. Though you can watch the BBC from a tourist hotel’s satellite TV hookup, most people lucky enough to own a TV receive two channels: one government channel and one armed forces channel. Satellite hookups are available only by government-issued license. It is illegal, and punishable with sentences from 7 to 15 years, for civilians to use the internet. Possession of a modem or any kind of computer equipment not registered with the government is also illegal. Lastly, the press is state-controlled, as is the production of books. The SPDC’s Department of Press Scrutiny screens books before allowing their production and sale. In 2002, 8,700 books were approved for publication, the most popular being works that “raise the morals of youth.” Foreign periodicals are available in a few places, but screened before sale. Periodicals with mention of Myanmar are generally kept off the market. The effect of limiting access to information is nominal, however. The US government estimates that the functional literacy rate in Myanmar is about 30%, due to both the erratic opening and closing of schools in the country and the costs of educating children (which is the family’s responsibility.) According to Christina Fink, author of Living Silence: Burma Under Military Rule, some people even discourage their kids from reading for fear this will around an interest in politics, which is a dangerous game in Myanmar.
But there has been contact with the outside world, though Myanmese citizens are sporadically forbidden from sending letters abroad. To some, foreigners are the bearers of books, news, and luxury items they could otherwise not obtain. Foreigners are also the richest around in a country where the minimum wage is $.10 per day. The biggest dream young people have is to learn English and become a tour guide. It is the most lucrative opportunity available in their extremely controlled and limited economic environment. And, wherever you go, people love to sing “Hotel California” with you.
The History of the Regime and Human Rights
The brutal regime that rules the country and puts these laws into effect first took power in 1962, led by General Ne Win. Immediately, his government put the country on the “Burmese path to socialism,” which involved taking over the economy down to the retail level and controlling both the banks and the import/export industries. Having been a former colony of Britain, they were highly suspicious of developing a neo-colonial relationship with this outside world, as they perceived was occurring with other newly independent countries. So following China’s lead, choose to focus on internal development without help from outside. It was during this period that the borders were sealed and many foreigners, including missionaries, were expelled.
The rise of the concept of nationalism during this time period, influenced by the Japanese rhetoric of “Asia for Asians,” also led to their heavy emphasis on reviving and accentuating Burmese culture. Developing pride in their traditions and their glorious past (pre-Britain) helped strengthen the power of Ne Win’s regime.
The country struggled under socialist isolationism for many years, finding it difficult to effectively organize industry and production. In the 1980’s, the border was reopened in hopes of attracting foreign investment and development.
It was a few years later that news began leaking out about the regime, particularly about its human rights record. Early news came from travelers who made the best of their seven day visas. Then in 1988, huge uprisings occurred as citizens took to the streets to demand democracy. In the weeks that followed, 3,000 people suspected of taking place in the demonstrations were murdered, and the country’s democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, was placed under arrest. Into the nineties, more news began to come out, and a list of abuses ranging from forced servitude to build infrastructure, to holding large numbers of political prisoners (between 1,000 and 1,500), to forcing Myanmese refugees back across the border at gunpoint. They are also complicit in the world opium trade (some report that 50% of the United State’s heroin originates in Myanmar) and in human trafficking. Meanwhile, Aung San Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy party won the free elections in 1990 with 82% of the popular vote but were never allowed to take office, remained in and out of government custody. While in under arrest, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts. The imprisonment of Aung San Suu Kyi has brought the regime a great deal of international attention and boycotts. In fact, Myanmar’s maintenance of culture is a cause and effect cycle related to the heavy hands of the regime. First, they impose laws and strict punishments to maintain culture and control; and then their brutality and disregard for human rights gets them labeled what the US calls a “pariah regime.” It results in them being heavily sanctioned by governments all over the world, making foreign investment and international trade extremely difficult. You could say it’s a mutual dislike.
At the end of July, the United States signed into law the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act in response to Suu Kyi’s latest arrest in May, which (among other things) bans all imports from Myanmar for a period of three years and hits the impoverished country with a $356 million dollar per year loss. Approximately 100,000 garment factory workers who produce American clothing, and whose wages are estimated between $.04/hour and $.10/day, will lose their jobs. Prior to these sanctions, President Clinton signed a law into effect that forbade any further American investment in Myanmar due to human rights abuses.
The European Union has imposed a visa ban on SPDC officials and their families. Japan, Myanmar’s greatest source of foreign aid (totaling 69.9 million dollars in 2001), has even ceased aid until Suu Kyi is released. Each of these actions has caused foreign activity in the country to grind to a halt, and forced the government to forge ahead alone in the development process. It has also made it easy for the SPDC to limit the amount of “alien influence” in the country and preserve their culture.
But Whose Culture?
But whose culture is the SPDC preserving? There are 67 ethnic groups within Myanmar, and the country has been plagued with ethnic uprisings since the Bamar-dominated SPDC took power. Other groups object to being ruled by the SPDC on these grounds, and several have formed their own governments, which come in constant conflict with the SPDC. ECHO, the Humanitarian Aid Office of the European Commission, estimates that as many as one million persons have been displaced in Myanmar during this ongoing conflict. The Bamar people do represent approximately 68% of the population, and Buddhism is the dominant religion. But what about Christians and Muslims in Myanmar, who have not been allowed to construct new churches or mosques in recent years? What about ethnic Chinese and Indians whose families came to Myanmar during colonial times but are not allowed to be citizens?
One such group, the Chin, are Lai-speaking Christians. In Chin State, a northern division of the country, soldiers have reportedly been offered financial and career incentives to marry Chin women, teach them the Burmese language, and convert them to Buddhism. Other reports tell the story of Chin children, separated from their parents under the guise of educating them, who are taken to Buddhist monasteries and converted without their parent’s knowledge. It seems that the SPDC’s idea of traditional culture is Bamar traditional culture, and that they will go so far as to push that culture onto ethnic and religious minorities in the country-- in effect, imitating what they accuse Western cultures of doing in smaller nations.
Through the efforts of both Myanmar and other countries, Bamar traditional culture has remained largely intact. But with the incredible internal strains caused by ethnic conflict, a dire economy, a desire by many for democracy, and international pressure, though, is it a matter of time before the regime cracks? Members of the international community hope that this is the case. It is hoped that sanctions and pressure on top of it’s internal problems will eventually crumble the SPDC in the same ways that boycotts and divestment toppled the Apartheid government of South Africa. But what will happen when its borders are opened and foreign investment and business rushes in? Will Myanmar’s traditional culture remain as it has been? Paul Riceour remarked that “every culture cannot sustain and absorb the shock of modern civilization.” What will happen in Myanmar remains to be seen.
Burma’s probability: Wooing China and India (Contd from previous issue) Sangai Express
These actions unequivocally brought immense impacts on both the populace and the ruling military regime. Had these engagements been concerted efforts involving Burma’s neighbouring cou-ntries – particularly China and India, juggernaut changes could have happened. With the recalcitrant nature of Burma’s military leaders and appeasement diplomacies of some of the deciding countries on their side, no pragmatic transformation has been visualized till date. While many tend to see the EU and US for tougher actions including military intervention, its reality is far from near. Imminent dangers posed by countries such as Iran, North Korea and the unabated Middle-East crisis overshadow problems in the Southeast Asian country like Burma.
The 2005 informal briefing on Burma at the UNSC, which was the culmination of Burmese democratic movement for the year, was words that ended without enforcement. China and Russia stance on the ground that “Burma is not a threat to international peace and security,” which is the basic objective for forming the United Nations, has stalled the Security Council’s unprecedented manoeuvre. In yet another encouraging sign, ASEAN, while sidelining its traditional non-interference policy on member country, reached agreement to push for the speedy democratization process. However, this initiative turned out to be only a rhetoric remarks when the ASEAN special envoy, Malaysian Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Albar, visiting Burma in March 2006, had to cut short his three-day trip by one day and returned home empty-handed without even meeting Aung San Suu Kyi. Albar’s visit followed a trip by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to Rangoon only to signalled Jakarta’s growing interest in engaging with the junta-led administration. These failures further dashed a hope for the regional bloc’s anticipated engagement.
At this juncture, the feasibility of one intervention could be a formal discussion of Burma’s issues at the UNSC with binding resolutions. To achieve this objective, cooperation from lobbyists and advocates including the Burmese activists and members of the Security Council is necessary. If any binding agreement can be reached, non-compliance on the part of the Burmese military regime will be moved in accordance with the resolutions. Any intransigent reaction on Burma could even entail sending of UN peace keeping forces.
Popular uprising
When talking about Burma politics, the 1988 democracy uprising, popularly known as the 8888 uprising, cannot remain untouched. This was the turning point of a democratic struggle permeating beyond international borders. The 1990 country-wide general election and the birth of umpteen political parties thereafter are the consequences of this historic popular uprising. Had not the 1990 uprising happened, the international awareness of Burma’s issues could have been in the shadow of the world’s politics.
A noble cause to rise up for another popular uprising is not an easy question to answer. The massive loss of lives and properties, the horrendous massacre and incarceration of several brave demonstrators by the military personnel have tremendously demoralized the nerves of many in the country where justice does not prevail. Despite all these cumbersome tasks and bemoaning scenario, Burma’s political turmoil and the continued rampant human rights abuses speak far exceedingly. Some international observers express reservations on the probability of a mass uprising. However, glimpsing at transitional governments around the world, changes generally come from within. This does not simplify that movements in exile should abandon its trend of moving forward. When movements from both within and outside the country are at its melting point, people’s power will prevail.
Finally, support and cooperation from the international community is an ever demanding diplomacy. Coordination of pro-democracy campaigns from within and outside Burma is at its prominence to effect changes in the country. When the western world, particularly the United States government and like-minded countries, is exerting its pressure at the United Nations Security Council, advocates and lobbyists around the world should impress other international players to accentuate the move. It now evidently appears that exploring amicable solutions to the Burmese myriad problems with the preclusion of its two neighbours – China and India is a hard nut to crack. Umpteen engagements from the western nations are found to be effective to a certain extent, yet a pro-active cooperation of these two Asia heavy weights is a paramount importance.
— Concluded * The writer is the General Secretary of the US based Kuki International Forum (KIF) and a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004).
He can be reached at nehginpao@yahoo.com.
Mosquito terror hits Assam rebels By Indo Asian News Service
Guwahati, May 5 (IANS) Stinging mosquitoes have ejected dozens of separatist guerrillas in Assam out of their jungle bases to seek treatment for the cure of malaria, police Friday said. A police spokesperson said a malaria epidemic sweeping Assam and its adjoining areas have forced rebels of the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) to come out of their hideouts. 'We are keeping a close watch on hospitals where we suspect ULFA cadres hit by malaria have been admitted for treatment,' said a senior police official. At least 90 people have died of a malaria epidemic in Assam since the disease struck the state last month.
The ULFA, fighting for an independent Assamese homeland since 1979, have bases in parts of Arunachal Pradesh and Myanmar, besides in heavily forested areas in eastern Assam. 'This is not a new phenomenon. Each year we find ULFA cadres forced to come out of the jungles during the malaria season for treatment,' Assam Inspector General of Police Khagen Sharma told IANS. 'During the days when the ULFA had its bases in Bhutan we found cadres coming out of their hideouts after being hit by malaria.'
A retired chief engineer of the state's Public Works Department (PWD) who was kidnapped by the ULFA died of malaria last week. 'The abducted chief engineer was brought by the ULFA from a hideout and admitted to a private nursing home. He later died as his condition worsened while in ULFA custody,' another police official said. Militants apart, a large number of army and paramilitary soldiers, including policemen, posted in the jungle terrain were down with malaria.
'Malaria claims at least eight to 10 security personnel posted in Assam and other northeastern states every year,' an official of the Central Reserve Police Force said. The northeast is a known 'malaria zone' with the disease claiming an estimated 500 lives annually. At least 230 people died in Assam last year of malaria, which is caused by a small parasite spread through mosquito bites. The dangerous malaria season lasts three to four months beginning in mid-March. Cerebral malaria is the severest form of the disease and can cause seizures, comas and other problems. Health officials in the adjoining states of Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland said there were cases of malaria in their region, although the disease has not assumed epidemic proportions like in Assam.
No hesitation in firing on cadres to protect civilians: Maj Gen Kumar
From Our Correspondent Assam Tribune
DIMAPUR, May 4 – Expressing serious concern over the recent spurt in clashes between the rival factions of NSCN in civilian populated areas, the security forces has warned that it would not hesitate to fire upon the cadres in such a situation despite the existing ceasefire with both the factions.

Expressing dismay over the recent clashes between the cadres of rival NSCN factions within the vicinity of several villages in the State, General Officer Commanding Nagaland (North), Major General SS Kumar asserted that he would not hesitate to order firing if ‘they’ resort to activities endangering the lives of the innocent villagers.

“We don’t care as long as they restrict their war to the jungles. But we will not hesitate to order my troops to fire if they bring the war to populated areas and endanger the lives of the innocents”, he told media persons at Medziphema, near here.

To prove that he meant business, Gen Kumar, recounted a recent incident when he ordered his troops to seal off a whole town with barbed fencing when he learnt that some cadres of an NSCN faction had ordered a high-ranking police official to arrange food and accommodation for dozens of them.

The cadres had to finally pull out of the town after the Assam Rifles jawan’s kept the town under siege for several days even though the police official pleaded with the General to withdraw.




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