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05/01/2006: "Friends of 80plus bring Kohima elders closer"

Friends of 80plus bring Kohima elders closer Chizokho Vero The Morung Express THE OLD AND THE BEAUTIFUL: Naga elders seated during the launching of the 'Friends of 80plus' at Kohima. (MExPix)
Kohima: 76 year old Neilao Suohu likes farming. He goes to work in the paddy field daily.
“Farming is my favourite hobby,” Suohu said adding that he feels something is amiss if he does not involve himself in farming activities. Also very fond of farming, Sao Suokhrie said that farming is also a part of exercise and is responsible for keeping him healthy.
Energetic looking Suokhrie, 76, is a GB of L. Khel, Kohima Village.
Over 80 years old- Visau Suokhrie expressed her inability to engage in any household works after she met leg injury eight years ago. Now, she prefers to keep herself warm by staying near a fire at home. These are amongst the many elders who turned up during the launching ceremony of the Friends of 80plus here today. After a gap of many years, (even more than 50 years or more) it was an ample opportunity for them to sit together, smile together, drink and eat together and not forgetting exchanging views. Friends of 80plus is a network and fellowship of likeminded people who wish to revive and uphold this Naga traditional practice of placing highest value and respect to elders- the older the person becomes, the more valued he/she is, said Neidonuo Angami.
Friends of 80plus is a non-profit, an entirely voluntary and benevolent fellowship. Members contribute in kind or cash at their own capacity. They commit to give at least one day a month to the activities of the organisation. They have a common interest to befriend the 80plus and serve them in whatever possible way. The goal of 80plus is to revive the culture of listening to, and be guided by the wisdom of the elders. Friends of 80plus is all set to make a monthly home visit to all the 80plus citizens of the village, documenting their stories and experiences, attend to their medical and other physical festive seasons, accompany them to significant occasions/events and organize special programmes for them once a year.
Keduotuolie Mepfuo, chairman Kohima Village Council lauded Neidonuo Angami for initiating Friends of 80plus and hoped that the group will help the elders in many respects.
Mepfuo also exuded confidence that the newly formed body would bring the elders closer, better understanding, friendship and help strengthen their welfare activities. Earlier, Keneingunyu Sekhose chaired the function. Special song was presents by Meguo-o Mechulho while Rev. Viwelie Khezhie, Senior Pastor, Khedi Baptist Church said invocation prayer.
Weeping soul: Story of a Naga-Hao damsel By: Lemyao Shimray
‘Do you notice you have been sitting still for long, what are you thinking?’
‘I am thinking about what you told me. Please tell me again.’
‘This is the third time and I think that’s enough! Let’s go inside it’s getting hot.’
‘No I don’t want to. I love the anger of the sun that scorches down always.’
‘I am feeling bored….I am going’
‘No please don’t go! I don’t want to be alone, just this one and I promise we will go’
‘All right….tell me from where to begin because if I tell all it will be too late to play’
‘Ummm from the ceremony!’
‘Which one?’
‘The dress code and my ugliness’
‘No! That will be too long…you are not ugly! Father doesn’t think so and I too find you are beautiful both inside and out.’
‘Really ummm…then, what about my ear piercing ceremony?’
‘I was not there that time, I heard about it from father’
‘It does not matter’
That’s how the story began about a girl named Sharmahor who once was born in Tangkhul Naga community before Christianity came in. The Tangkhul Naga and the rest of the Nagas are known as Hao. Hao means people who inhabit the hill stations in the northwest of Burma and the northeast of India who are indigenous and independent since time immemorial. Sharmahor was the first child of a couple, hailed from the same village known as Somdal Village. As per the customary law couples who hailed from the same village should offer wine and a rooster to their king during their first born child whether the baby was a male or a female. Everything went well—from the style of presentation to the taste of satisfaction. King’s lip watered after tasting the wine. Except that part of the rooster sacrifice Harkho khayang ; where it has to be killed by squeezing the rooster’s neck to block the windpipe air flow (it has to be at least a year old), then they all watch the movement of the dying rooster from the flapping of the wings to the kicking of its legs. When the last moment came even the stool of the rooster have to be considered, the behaviour of the rooster was so strange that even Sharwo (High Priest) was clueless of what to make out of the omens and what future the child carries.

No one knows the reasons yet, but everyone assumed that she was an uncanny and animated girl when she wants enough to talk and mingle with the villagers. Some argue that she lost her insanity when her father gave her the Lupakhao which she still now carries everywhere along with an extra stitch of chamthei (precious beads). Other whispered that it’s because of the Mayong-pasi incident. But what no one knows was that she was born with an extra soul to accompany her through the walks of her life. She must have been very special to ameowa (super natural spirit whom at that time they considered their god).
Every child who completes their journey of a year in this world must pierce their ears according to the Nagas’ culture. The Nagas, who are Hao in both India and Burma, are the original inhabitants of Nagalim and Sharmahor’s soul as a true gentle Naga was not happy with the idea of the ceremony at all. Firstly, she thought it involves lots of people, norms and conditions and she hates all. Secondly, the ceremony should take place only after Thisham (Festival of Dead) ceremony after full moon which means after biding farewell to those who died and the soul hated to be the centre of attraction while she still had a touch of gloom! Thirdly, one more animal will be killed in her name and the animal’s skull which must be of buffalo’s and will be hung high up with many as a collection and decoration. Tears welled up her tiny eyes thinking of the animal screaming ‘Please don’t kill me master! I am still strong enough to serve you for more years’ and the way it will curse before dying ‘you ungrateful human being…so much for serving you so hard!’ But as every soul has to accept their fate, Sharmahor and the buffalo never ask ‘why’ not because nature did not endowed them with a means to communicate but because they felt wiser taking refuge in thinking ‘how’.
When Sharmahor was twelve years old, as usual one fine afternoon during the harvest season she was exploring the nearby forest when she heard some merry making male voices. She loves crowd and laughter, and that makes her to commit a serious mistake by appearing in front of those people. Hiding behind the walnut tree just near the fire she shouted “Kekuuuuuu!” and all the guys jump up. She went and inspects what at this hour the folks were cooking in the middle of the forest. They were brewing red colour for their Mayong- pasi (headgear) and her presence spoils it all. They were talking about which maiden to pick for the evening dance, everyone was talking all at once dreaming away to glory about the romance they will have and she killed it. According to the custom colours to be brewed which is orange and red for the men’s headgear should be concoct without the presence of women. It was considered impure and they have to go far and brew in order to avoid women folks. And now all the efforts of brewing and dreaming turns unlucky because of this nuisance little pest whose eyes is so small that it looks like a tiny dot made with pointed ink pen on a white sheet and mouth so protruding that it looks like she has a mouthful of marbles inside.

Dusk was falling when her father came searching for her, she was found hung upside down from the walnut tree. Exhausted, frightened and nauseated she surrendered herself in her fathers arms when he finally cuts the vine that had been tiredly bind around her cracked little dirty leg. Her father traces the youths who harm his daughter and allow the women folks to whip him with their kashan (sarong) and urinate on him. It was a part of Hao custom that whoever raises hands on women should be fined heavily or hand over to women folks and they can urinate on him and whip him. The most disgraceful punishment considered for a male to face among the Hao community.
‘What about the women? What punishment were given to them for urinating over him’
‘No there was no such punishment so far as I know in Hao.’
‘Why did they hung me upside down? Is it because I was ugly?’
‘No, just because you made them angry and spoiled their evening’
‘What happen after that?’
‘Don’t you remember?’
‘Of course I do!’
‘I don’t believe you. Tell me what happen then?’
‘Err! I don’t want to. So, let’s skip that part’
‘Can we go inside and play now’
‘No! First tell me about the spoon’
‘The spoon carved from bone for your baby brother?’
‘Yes’
‘We hide the spoon in machum (granary store) when it was time for your baby brother’s meal.’
‘Silly! Why do we ever do that?’
‘Because mother won’t let you peep inside her lupakhao (money pouch)’
‘Yes…I remember now! The machum full of grains and lots of smoked pork hung up.’
‘Yes, I set fire to that granary’
‘You what? You set fire to father’s granary?’
‘You agreed when I ask for your permission!’
‘No I said no such thing. Why should I bring harm to my father?’
‘But you nod your head’
‘Ok! Anyway it would have been better if you burn mother’s hair instead’
‘But you burnt mother’s hair after I burnt the granary’

Because of the fire people think Sharmahor was crazy and will be crazy enough even to burn the neighbours hair and granary if they upset her. And she was ignored by all the folks most of the time. What they did not know was that she was upset and confused, just mad at the people for not understanding her friend whom they never believe to exist, the buffalo, the fear of being hung upside down again in the forest. Later father gave her a beautiful red pouch made from hand woven wool along with some annas. Till now she has the pouch tied in her waist and often talk about it. Looking at the petite figure of his daughter in the middle of July sun giggling alone and whispering as usual to her imaginary self, Sharmahor’s father silently weep again. Glancing around the kitchen he sits, he rest his eyes on the skull of the buffalo with the shiniest black horns he posses. His pride swells remembering the old golden moments he shared with his daughter and her ear piercing ceremony. For others she may be uncanny, rude, and funny or an animated gypsy to entertain them when they feel bored but for him, she will be always his beloved daughter whom Ameowa gifted him. And on the nearby forest the brewing business goes on every season without anymore keku (Hide and seek) from behind the walnut tree.
Custom coded from documentation ‘Tuimalan Hao custom’ by Lt. N.R.Shimray.
Nagaland in 2nd spot on AIDS map From Our Correspondent Assam Tribune
IMPHAL, April 30 – Web news portals reporting on latest National AIDS Control Organization (NACO) estimates say Nagaland has jumped to second place in terms of HVI/AIDS prevalence rate in the country. The prevalence rate in Nagaland has touched 1.63 per cent from 1.43 per cent 2004 and becomes one of the six Indian states with highest prevalence rates, the reports said. However Nagaland State AIDS Control Society official Vizole said the latest prevalence rate might be in ‘aggregate.’
The latest figures on the number of new HIV infections reported in India estimates a total of over 5.2 million HIV cases. Andhra Pradesh leads the six states with the highest prevalence rate with 2 per cent among the general population - the figure has fallen from 2.25 per cent in 2004. Nagaland is second –the HIV prevalence rate here has increased to 1.63 per cent from 1.43 per cent in 2004. Karnataka with 1.25 per cent Maharashtra 1.25 per cent, Manipur 1.25 per cent and Goa 1.13 per cent have crossed the 1 per cent high-prevalence mark. Manipur has shown a decrease in prevalence from 1.50 per cent in 2004 to 1.25 per cent.
Reports further said the problem seems to be with high-risk groups attending clinics for sexually-transmitted diseases in Andhra Pradesh. The figure for those testing HIV-positive has increased from 16.40 per cent in 2004 to 22.80 per cent in 2005.
Special focus on Tirap: Byaling Assam Tribune
KHONSA, April 30 – RWD & RD Minister, Tanga Byaling who was on a 2-day official visit to Tirap from April 26 said state government was paying special attention to Tirap district adding that sanctioning of Rs 55 crore to the district under PMGSY, the highest in the whole state, was a testimony of its commitment.
Speaking at a meeting of officers and public leaders, the minister asked the people to extend their fullest cooperation to the govt agencies for timely and effective implementation of the schemes. Byaling also said that the state govt was alive to the problems of the govt departments and added that efforts were on to streamline the functioning of the govt departments to accelerate the pace of developments. He appealed to the officers to discharge their duties sincerely. Earlier the Deputy Commissioner Talem Tapok gave a brief account of the district and problems associated with it. The officers and pubic leaders also apprised the minister about the pressing problems face by them including shortage of vehicle under DRDA which was hampering the field work.The public of Khonsa submitted a memorandum to the minister in which problems of contractors and other development works in the absence of Panchayati Raj in the district were raised. Thajam Aboh, MLA was also present in the meeting. On 27 April, the minister inspected the ongoing work of the Tupi-Noksa village link road constructed under PMGSY. He was accompanied by DC, officers and public leaders. Earlier on April 18, MLA Wanglin Lowangdong laid the foundation stone for Longo-Chasa road to be construcgted under PMGSY amid a huge gathering
UNLF assertions baseless, say SF The Morung Express
IMPHAL, April 30 (AGENCIES): Reacting strongly to the statement issued by United National Liberation Front, UNLF in connection with the `fake` surrenderee issue, the defence authorities have asserted that it was baseless, and intended not only to tarnish the images of the security forces but also to intimidate the good Samaritans who are involved in encouraging misguided youth to opt for the mainstream in Manipuri society.
Regarding the release, and subsequent statements given by Heikrujam Ingo and Heikrujam Lemba at Hotel Excellancy, defence authorities said in a statement issued through the PIB (defence wing) that since the identity of the said cadres were revealed, it was safer for them to make a volte-face rather than face the wrath of their leaders.
In the case of Mantri Singh, the efforts of vested parties of producing a fake father in court have fallen flat, the statement said. The individual concerned refused to identify the writ petitioner, Nilachandra Singh as his father since his real father had died long back, it reminded. Pointing out that the identification given by the individual before the CJM, Chandel, matches that mentioned as fictitious name in the writ petition filed by Nilachandra, the statement maintained that there was no doubt that he was the same person whose release was sought in the writ petition, and who had surrendered voluntarily before the Assam Rifles.
It also noted that the UNLF had taken inordinately long to realize that some of the surrendered cadres did not belong to their organization. Disowning their own comrades at difficult times has become a common practice with the outfit, it said.
Reiterating that there has been no foul play on the part of the Assam Rifles in the entire process, the statement stressed that it has always been the endeavour of the security forces to encourage those misguided and subverted youth who wish to surrender before government agencies. The security forces have been meticulous in strictly following existing policies and guidelines regarding surrender, and have accepted the surrenderees only with weapons and ammunition produced by them. Initial screening of all surrenderees has been completed as per government policy, it said. The statement further said that surrender of their cadres delives a severe blow to the UG outfits, prompting them to resort to such false propaganda.
Assam’s OIL blockade called off The Morung Express
Guwahati, April. 30 (PTI): The 72-hour ‘Oil India Limited (OIL) Operations Blockade’ called by three student organisations of Assam in support of their demands was called off on the second day today. The blockade was called off by the students following discussions with OIL authorities on their charter of demands, OIL’s Senior Advisor for Strategic Planning Nripen Bharali told PTI. The three student organisations-- All Tai Ahom Students Union, All Assam Moran Students Union and All Assam Matak Chatra Sanmilan--also decided to suspend their agitation till May 15, Bharali said. OIL authorities will hold a second round of talks with the students organisations and the Deputy Commissioners of Assam’s Dibrugarh and Tinsukia districts to discuss their demands. The student organisations of the three communities had called the 72-hour blockade to protest against the “betrayal of the OIL in providing employment to the local youth from the three communities which compromise more than 80 per cent of the total population in the area”. They also protested the “poor response” of the OIL in uplift of the local area. The students demanded that the OIL restore its now halted practice of hiring vehicles from the local youth. Meanwhile, OIL’s drilling operations and crude oil supply, which was partially affected since yesterday, resumed functioning after the blockade was called off.
Politics of Ethnic Conflict MAY 1 Today's Editorial The Morung Express
In contemporary politics, the State has ensured that it monopolizes ‘war’ and thus enjoys the prerogative of defining what amounts to ‘war.’ The problems and challenges arising out of these wars have emphasized the ‘centralizing’ and ‘nationalizing’ character of the ‘modern state.’ The unwillingness of ‘states’ to confront and address legitimate aspirations of people have enhanced a spiral of political violence on the ground. Further, most governments have chosen to categorize indigenous peoples struggle as ‘ethnic conflicts’ or ‘tribal wars.’ It is tragic that history has reached a time where social movements and political struggles for basic rights are being referred as ‘ethnic conflict.’
For those closely following liberation struggles would have noted that it is the oppressor who determines the nature of conflict and not the oppressed. Often in order to maintain their security and cohesiveness, mobilization for safety and protection takes place along lines of ‘identity and ethnicity.’ However, it would not be fair to define these acts of mobilization as ‘ethnic.’ The notion that a political conflict is ‘ethic’ grows when there is failure to recognize the underlying political issues that have caused the acrimony.
It is common practice for States to draw boundaries based on ethnic and culture, thus feeding and surviving upon divisive policies. These state boundaries often ignore the historical and traditional relationships shared between different communities. The objective is to enforce a state identity and to instill fear, insecurity and division over resources and territory between communities.
Further divisions are created when electoral policies are drawn on ethnic lines. These deliberate policies divert attention and focus of indigenous people away from challenging the legitimacy of the state. While in essence the claim of a people to exist with dignity is in direct confrontation with the State, the State with great sophistication and guile diverts the State-People conflict into a People-People conflict through the policy of divide and rule which is pursued and implemented with catastrophic affect.
The ploy in creating an image of the ‘other’ is a dehumanizing process that personalizes the identity and nature of the ‘other.’ In time, those who are not like you, or those who do not share the same values and lifestyles are perceived as being a potential threat to ones existence. This form of psychological warfare makes people insecure while increasing their need to constantly reaffirm and manifest their identity for their survival. As a result time collapses and identity is frozen in time. The space for negotiating is reduced because it is in the nature of a state to ensure assimilation into the dominant mainstream, threatening the very core of people’s identity. Identity, when perceived as a source of conflict has frightening consequences. Furthermore, resources of resolution to such conflicts are reduced extensively because the real political issues have been sidelined by the State and there are no clear lines between armed combatants and non-armed civilians. The way the ‘powers that be’ are determining world affairs and conceptualizing world systems, the possibilities for a clash of civilization may not be too far off!
Lucrative rehab schemes attract ‘fake militants’ kuknalim.com
Imphal: Lucrative rehabilitation schemes offered bythe Central Government for the surrendered militants besides a job in the Government is attracting not only the 'hardcore militants' but unfortunately some unemployed youth who posed as militants and surrendered to authorities.

The incident came into limelight after the Assam Rifles handed over two of the five youths who allegedly surrendered to the Assam Rifles to the Heingang police station on Tuesday. The Force on Thursday produced two more youths before the court while the fifth is still kept in the Assam Rifles camp. The Assam Rifles produced the youths after their parents filed separate habeas corpus petitions with the Imphal Bench of the High Court on Monday claiming that the youths are innocent and they did not surrender but were taken away by a "recruiting agent" of the Assam Rifles. The parents also accused the Assam Rifles of staging the surrender.

Following the High Court's interim directive the 4th Assam Rifles handed over Heikrujam Govin Singh and Sagolsem Govind Singh to the Heingang police station late on Tuesday night. The Assam Rifles also handed over one carbine and one nine mm pistol with ammunition, saying the two surrendered the weapons. Police produced the two before the court of judicial magistrate first class of Imphal East on Wednesday with the prayer of police remand of the two. The court sent the two to police custody till May 2 claiming that the two youths confessed to procuring the weapons from three persons with the intention of surrendering to the Assam Rifles by posing as militants so that they could be recruited in the Assam Rifles under the surrender scheme of the Government. Police said further interrogations are required. A has been registered a case against the two under the Arms Act. The Assam Rifles also produced two more youths identified as Heikrujam Ingo Singh and Heikrujam Lemba before the Chandel Chief Judicial Magistrate on Thursday. The Assam Rifles brought to the court after the Chandel police refused to accept the youths, sources said. The court released the two youths after getting a bond signed and the parents took them away.

The Assam Rifles is yet to produce another youth identified as Heikrujam Momocha Singh, who is now in the custody of an Assam Rifles post at Leikun of Chandel district. Maj Gen BS Ghotra, the Assam Rifles IG (South), however, claimed that the five youths were militants and they surrendered to the Assam Rifles in February. He said that the Assam Rifles would fight the case legally. Meanwhile, a Joint Action Committee in connection with the villagers of Laimainai of Thoubal district, the youths' locality on Thursday submitted a memorandum to the Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh demanding immediate release of all the five youths without any condition. A delegation of the JAC met Ibobi Singh in the afternoon, but agreement could be arrived at during the meeting. The Chief Minister turned down the demand.The Chief Minister, however, reportedly assured the delegation that if the youths are found to be innocent as claimed by the JAC, they would be handed over to the parents. He said an inquiry would be ordered. (NNN)

No end in sight to NH-53 stir
By Our Staff Reporter
IMPHAL, Apr 30: Even as the transporters' agitation of suspending service along the Imphal-Jiribam stretch of the National Highway 53 to protest the extortion demand from underground outfits has completed five days, members of Imphal-Silchar Road Transporters’ Welfare Society staged a Wakat Meepham at Jiribam parking today.
Talking to media-persons while the demons- tration was underway, the Society secretary observed that the condition of the road has improved following the public outcry for development of the road.
However though the road condition has improved it is really unfortunate that transporters who are in the service of ferrying passengers regardless of the weather condition are being harassed with monetary demands.
The agitating transporters would stay away from doing their service along the said route until and unless an amicable solution is brought about, the secretary said, while appealing to all the organisations to extend their co-operation in settling the issue.
The Wakat Meepham was held from 6 am to 3 pm. Placards and banners with slogans highlighting the plight of the transporters were used during the demonstration.
The Society has also strongly condemned the assault on driver Sandham Ranjit (25) s/o Yaima of Sekmaijin Thongam Leikai by some miscreants on April 27 for allegedly not stopping the bus somewhere in between Tupul and Noney.
One more succumbs : The death toll in the tragic Singjamei Bazar Naidu building disaster which crumpled down while being demolished illegally on April 22 has reached seven with one succumbing at Shija Hospital here today.
The deceased has been identified l as Jahangir Sheikh (28) of West Bengal, but staying at Minuthong Hatta.
The body has been deposited at the mortuary of RIMS Hospital. In all six persons had been crushed to death when the building which had been already acquired by the State Government crumbled down while being demolished by some hired labourers and scrap dealers.

Human rights in armed conflict areasStandard setting and binding obligations By Prof Noarem Sanajaoba Sangai Express Contd....
Even the defence forces can not be brought to the jurisdiction of the NHRC of India thereby legitimizing their immunity and impunity at the institutional level. Too little done, vast undone.
Policy on collective rights of man By taking a thread from the principle of fair and good governance based on fair and proportional re-presentation in multiracial and, multi-national India, the objective social reality as found is that a mere 1 or 2 percent of the Indian defence forces is drawn from amongst the Muslims which constitute 20 percent of the population and also that the Northern- Southern racial axis in the last half a century denied a Naga to be the President and a Manipuri to be Prime Minister of India, by just taking a leaf from the racialist brand of power-sharing in the republic. There is no suitable explanation except the justification of racism in disguise. It would be better to stop this discrimination. The subject people rise against the new Moghuls. The false justification for denial and deprivation is as good as lawyer's paradise. The regime is simply pro-Nazi, which is perceived as a perpetual terror to the national minorities. The rest is political gimmick. The universally established right to development and the right to the legitimate people to self-determination, among others, have not been justifiably and properly addressed to, thereby facilitating a mere prairie fire in Naga hill, sparked off by the AFSPA 1958 to spread the insurgency wildfire across the NE region. The message is as simple as the panic of AFSPA dragon running berserk in the NE civil society. The damage done to the texture and fabric has nearly become irreversible inspite of periodic economic packages announced for the region and distribution of a bundle of tamapatra to willing subjects.
Policy dimensions Dissemination
The national institutions, human rights ma-chineries and the multi-media, and the NGOs can play important roles in dissemination of anti-racism, anti-casteism, anti-minori-tysm to the power elites, policy makers, opinion-makers and grassroots social workers. The Nazi brand of institutional hatred of minorities and tribes has to be wiped out from the majoritarian mind-set and politics. The mind-set of the power elite has been infected deeply by the psychic HIV and AIDS mind-set for the last several centuries. The issues about the right to development and right to the people of the NE region to self-determination have not been properly and in time, addressed to by the powers that be. The institutional aberrations from the human rights standard, followed and adopted universally call for corrections. The apex court, the legislature, the executive and the defence forces have to correct the intentional or unintentional deviations from the universal human rights standard. Accountability has to be fixed and penal actions or otherwise may be found necessary for booking the wilful human rights violators by taking a leaf out of the ICC paradigm.
National commitments:
The governments and the national institutions have to fully and ade-quately comply with the binding human rights treaties to which India has been a party. The governmental neglect is obvious in several compulsory-reporting obligations. A glaring example is cited herein. The Government of India has failed deliberately to furnish the Fourth India Report due by 2000 even today, to the UN Human Rights Committee. Nobody in the country whosoever, including the activist NGOs could find time to raise the blatant failure and take up actions.
Black law:
On the recommendation of the National Human Rights Commission of India, the Govt of India had the opportunity to repeal the AFSPA, 1958 long before the benign POTA has been repealed. The necessity of the Prime Minister to constitute a panel to review the black law in 2005 following the June 18 volcanic eruption in Manipur has been nearly redundant after considering the primacy of the National Human Rights Commission over an adhoc panel.
Everyone knows that the 1958 black law is Lord Lingthgow's dirty colonial law to smash the Indians down to the roots. The promulgation of repressive colonial law lead to no other conclusion than that colonialism exists in the NE region. If colonialism exists, liberation movements logically follow. any other alternative conclusion is difficult to rediscover like the chicken and hen story.
Task ahead:
Unlike other rogue states of the world, which rise unfairly above universal laws and principles, India has been and continues to be a role model and an inspiration of the one time Non-aligned movement, and leader of the newly emerging developing countries. There is a difference between the USA signing or not signing the ICC Rome Treaty, 1998, and Gandhian India provoking the international community as American clone is being apathetic to the Rome Treaty, 1998 by inventing unacceptable false arguments of one kind or another.
The Union Govt should be urged upon to sign and ratify the ICC Rome Treaty, 1998. It has to repeal forthwith the AFSPA 1958, which is basically a colonial, repressive law aimed at perpetuating British colonialism in the country. The Govt of India also bears profound moral responsibility to sign and ratify basic humanitarian laws like the additional protocol to the Geneva Conventions 1977. Time has come to re-educate the bureaucracy, the Ministry, the media and the defence personnel with the universal human rights standard and ramifications of human rights violations. The State human rights commission have to be recharged and reactivated.
Ansatz
The Government of India has the primary responsibility to comply with its earlier national commitments and human rights obligations. It has to fully endorse the universally accepted human rights treaties by signing and ratifying the other significant conventions. The human rights policy should be holistic and mul-tilaterial, urge upon accountability, transparency and follow-up actions of the national institutions and officials. Concluded
Manipur: The State Abdicates Bibhu Prasad Routray Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management There is little semblance of governmental authority in Manipur, and, on April 23, Manipur Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh confirmed in public what had, in the past, largely remained a matter of private discussion. At a public meeting in Thoubal district, Singh confessed, “All development projects have been stalled for interference by militant outfits (sic). The construction of a flyover in Imphal (the State capital) is delayed because the militant outfits are demanding a certain percentage of the project fund. The construction of the Assembly complex has also been similarly stalled.” The Chief Minister stated further: “Militants are extorting money from each and every one, including barbers, small-time traders and low-ranking Government employees. This has become unbearable for the people. Militant groups have sprung up as cooperative societies in Manipur.”
Ibobi Singh’s statement, apart from reflecting the state’s impotence, is only a part of the narrative on militancy in the State, which accounts for just 0.23 per cent of the country's population, and 0.68 per cent of its total geographical area. Violence by 15 active outfits, with a total cadre strength of about 10,000, ensured that, in 2005, Manipur remained the most violent State in India’s Northeast, and the second most violent in the country, behind Jammu & Kashmir. According to the Annual Report 2005-06 of the Ministry of Home Affairs, 410 fatalities were recorded in 2005 in militancy related activities in Manipur, a huge leap over the corresponding figure of 258 in 2004. While a number of other States in the Northeast have or are been reclaimed from protracted insurgencies, Manipur’s rendezvous with militancy appears to be an unending affair. According to Institute for Conflict Management data, sustained terrorist violence in 2006 had already claimed 118 lives in the State by April 30. Although terrorists constituted a little over 50 per cent of the total fatalities, figures for civilians (38) and security force personnel (19) remained high. Unabated extortion and its impact on ordinary lives, as well as those of people at the helm of affairs is symptomatic of the complete administrative breakdown in the State.
Militant excesses and extortion affects everyone, from humble school teacher to the Chief Minister of the State. A sampling of recent incidents reflects the pervasive reality of terror:
• On April 1, 2006 four staff members of a private recording studio belonging to the Hmar community are abducted by Kuki National Front (KNF) cadres belonging to its Zougam faction from Tuibong for their refusal to pay extortion amount of Rupees 200,000.
• On March 23,2006 a school head master, Thokchom MR alias Ibungochouba Meetei, who had been served an extortion notice amounting to Rupees 3000, is dragged away from his residence and subsequently shot dead by unidentified militants at Tera Sayang Kuraou Makhong under Lamphel police station in the Imphal West district.
• In December 2005, Army Chief J.J. Singh accused Chief Minister Ibobi Singh, of contributing a sum of INR 15 million to two militant organisations, Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) and People’s Liberation Army (PLA), operating in the State.
The breakdown of administration in Manipur has long been noted with a number of groups undermining the very possibility of governance. The militant KYKL, with an avowed agenda ridding the State of endemic corruption in the education sector, decreed, on April 24, 2006, that it would henceforth no longer ‘kneecap’ the ‘corrupt officials’ in the education department, but would summarily inflict capital punishment. Langamba Mangang, the group’s ‘publicity and research secretary’, warned, “Corruption in the education department will not be tolerated anymore. Based on the gravity of the crime, death penalty will be given without any warning to officials found guilty of corruption.” KYKL cadres had, in fact, shot the Director of Education, Dr. Ch Jayenta on April 4, 2006, leaving him critically injured. In a statement issued on April 23, the outfit declared that it had prescribed the death penalty for him on account of his involvement in ‘countless acts of corruption’. In another dramatic development, on April 16, 2006, the City Meitei faction of the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) detained editors of six newspapers published from Imphal overnight on the grounds that the newspapers had failed to publish a statement issued by the outfit on the occasion of its ‘raising day’. The editors were set free only after these newspapers published the statement verbatim. A two-year ban was also imposed by the outfit on the Imphal Free Press, one of the prominent English language dailies published from the State capital. The ban was revoked only after newspapers in Imphal went off the stands on April 19 in protest against such interference. In the context of a completely ‘hands off’ approach on the part of the Administration, such rare demonstrations of solidarity among the victims have been a source of a modicum of order in the State.
In a particularly appalling action, on January 16, 2006, United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and KCP militants went on rampage in the Lungthulien and Parbung villages of Churachandpur District, raping 21 women of the Hmar tribe. The incident was reported only in the first week of March, as the victims had chosen to remain silent fearing reprisals from the militants. After prolonged demonstrations the State Government constituted the Justice S.P. Rajkhowa Commission to inquire into the incident. Irrespective of the findings of the Commission, however, bringing the militants to justice remains outside the current capacities of the Government. Continuing militant excesses underline this point, and reports on April 28 indicated that atrocities by UNLF militants had forced about 200 Hmar tribals from villages like Damdiai to flee into bordering Mizoram. Similar incidents of militant atrocities have also been reported in the past from Lungthulien, Parbung, Taithu and Tualbung villages. Further, an unidentified militant outfit forced people out of three villages in Kangpokpi sub-division of Senapati District following a factional clash on April 23. Armed militants astride motorcycles effected large-scale displacement from the Sipichang, Saitu and Songlung villages, located barely 70 kilometres away from the State capital, Imphal. A portion of National Highway 39, connecting Imphal to Kohima, the capital of Nagaland, has been taken over by militants, who have declared a ‘curfew’ in the area. A number of high profile attacks have been executed periodically by the militants, and the current year already accounts for the following:
• April 11: Militants of the Zomi Revolutionary National Front (ZRNF) attack the Imphal residence of Member of Parliament, Mani Charenamai.
• March 15: Militants opened fire at the house of Chief Minister, O. Ibobi Singh, at Thoubal Athokpam in the Imphal city.
• February 8: A senior journalist and General Secretary of the All Manipur Working Journalist Union, Ratan Luwangcha, was shot at and wounded by three unidentified militants at his residence in the Imphal West District.
The State’s paralysis is inexplicable from a purely security perspective. Apart from high level deployment of the Army and Para-military Forces, Manipur actually boasts of a dramatically higher police-population ratio, at 531 per 100,000 population, than the national average at 123. Apart from a comparatively top heavy structure – the ratio of Police officials from Director General to Assistant Sub-Inspector level to that of Head constables and constables is 1.9 compared to the national average of 1.7 – the Police remain peripheral to the counter-insurgency effort, largely confined to the role of passive spectator. Thus, despite the grossly exaggerated police-population ratio, Central forces account for a bulk of terrorist fatalities in the State. According to the Annual Report of the Manipur Police, its personnel were responsible for the death of 55 terrorists in 2005. A total of 202 militants were killed in that year, according to the Union Ministry of Home Affairs. At the meeting in Thoubal on April 23, where Chief Minister Singh confessed his predicament, the State’s Governor S.S. Sidhu spoke of “our disgruntled brothers” and mildly suggested that the path they were following was “not the right one.” This tentative and morally ambiguous position is precisely what has undermined the authority of the state and of law in Manipur for years now. There is an acute disinclination to take strong action against the mounting excesses of “our brothers”, and as long as such attitudes persist, Manipur will remain a living hell for a majority of its people.