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03/28/2006: "Additional forces for Assam"

Additional forces for Assam Statesman News Service
DIBRUGARH, March 27. — The forthcoming Assembly polls in Assam will be held under tight security as 300 additional companies of Central paramilitary forces have arrived in the state.
A source in the state police said that with the arrival, the state administration now has 417 companies of paramilitary forces . Of these, 20 companies are for routine deployment along the Assam-Nagaland and Assam-Meghalaya borders. The Election Comm-ission reviewed the security scenario with senior police and civil administration officials last week and issued instructions for adequate deployment of forces based on requirement on the ground to ensure free and fair polls. Fifty companies of Assam police personnel will also be engaged in election duty.
The security arrangements for the election have left the Army out of its purview. Army personnel will be nowhere near polling stations and remain confined to “vulnerable” areas.
The banned Ulfa is considered to be a major threat to the polls. The outfit, in a recent statement, said that it would remain neutral during polls which it termed as nothing short of a “farce”. But the state government does not want to take any chances on the basis of the Ulfa statement.
Rs 100 crore package for tea tribe
DIBRUGARH, March 27. — The ruling Congress has promised a Rs 100 crore welfare package for the tea tribes community to save its support base in the community during the polls. The promise was made to the influential All Assam Tea Tribe Students Association by chief minister Mr Tarun Gogoi last month after the organisation went belligerent and threatened to destroy the Congress bastion among the tea tribes. — SNS
Tension in Phek town Correspondent Nagaland Post
Kohima, March 27(NPN): Heavy movement of armed cadres belonging to the four factions of Naga undergrounds during the past week has created tension in and around Phek district headquarters. According to reports, about a week ago, heavily armed cadres of NSCN (I-M) took over a ridge overlooking a village in the district where the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) has its training camp. The FGN cadres had at that time, gone to the Chedema Peace Camp to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Naga Republic Day.
In order to check the NSCN (I-M), the rival NSCN-K also reportedly send reinforcement of heavily armed cadres. It is also reported that two other factions of the FGN are also moving around in the district. Officials of the Phek district administration told Nagaland Post that the situation in the district headquarters as well as the adjacent villages was under control, with all the underground groups moving out to the nearby jungle. Additional forces including the state police and Assam Rifles were keeping round the clock vigil in the town and the adjacent villages to prevent factional clashes.
Phek district is the bastion of the FGN/NNC, but the NSCN (I-M) has begun penetrating into it and resulting in several confrontations between the two groups. Tension heightened following the formation of a broad-based understanding between FGN/NNC and NSCN (K) to check the NSCN (I-M). The FGN/NNC in Phek suffered a major setback recently when the group split into two factions over the pact with the NSCN (K). The newly split FGN group and the NSCN (K) were involved in an incident where a person was killed and another seriously injured.
Over a hundred trucks stranded on NH-39 Nagarealm.com
The number of goods carrying trucks stranded at Mao gate and beyond along the Imphal-Dimapur section of the National Highway-39 is increasing as the ATSUM economic blockade entered its second day today. In the meantime, out of the eight loaded trucks stranded since yesterday at Kangpokpi seven were escorted back by a convoy of IRB. The IRB convoy escorted back the trucks while returning after escorting government officials delivering monthly salary of employee at Kangpokpi, report said. More then 100 goods carrying trucks have been stranded between Mao gate and Khuzuma of Nagaland on the second of ATSUM economic blockade .
Another 11 loaded trucks reaching Jiribam from Silcher side of Assam were also reportedly being stranded there due to the blockade. All the trucks reached Jiribam this morning, reports said.
Pawar beckons investors to look NE Staff Reporter Nagaland Post
DIMAPUR, MARCH 27 (NPN): Union Minister of Agriculture Sharad Pawar today beckoned investors and stakeholders to look North East as the Region, with its unique ecology and vast potential in agro-business, was proving to be a new fertile ground for investment. Inaugurating the North East Agro-Expo 2006 here at the old sugarcane nursery farm, he said the North East would soon have border trades with ASEAN countries under the Centre's 'Look East Policy' initiative and Dimapur emerge as the most important hub for various trade activities. Referring to India as the fourth largest economy in the world and also among the biggest food producers, Pawar said there is need to use latest technology, modern agricultural practices, agri-marketing, crop diversification, in order to speed up the second green revolution. Even as Pawar described the region as having favourable agro-climatic condition, including abundance of rain, hovering clouds unleashed showers with thunderstorm which rendered much of his speech quite inaudible.
Both Union Minister of State for Food Processing Industries, Subodh Kant Sahai, and Union Minister of State for Agriculture, Kantilal Bhuria, in their speeches, pledged to brighten the agri landscape of the Region. Subodh Kant confessed that it was an "agony" that his Ministry could not spend any money in Nagaland because no food processing industries exist. Earlier, State Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio in his welcome address said "the Expo will provide a rare opportunity to our farmers to have face to face interaction with the biggest names in modern farming technologies". The Centre's new initiatives including the Look East Policy, the North East was fast turning the region into a "land of opportunities", he said. Allaying fears against investment in region due to problems of insurgency, Rio said Nagaland has adopted a new slogan "peace for development and development for peace". He said the state government was revising its industrial policy to make it more investor friendly. Mrs. Radha Singh, Secretary, Department of Agriculture & Co-operation, Government of India, in her address said the two challenges ahead in today's ever-expanding market were sustainability and productivity.
Dhruv M Sawhney, chairman, CCI Council on Agriculture, said that agriculture in the country was currently going through a dynamic transformation, while Director General, ICAR, Dr. Mangla Rai said the expo was "a strong seed sown for agricultural transformation". Agriculture ministers of North East states including Tsering Gyurme (Arunachal Pradesh), Tapan Chakraborti (Tripura), and Sikkim Education Minister, GM Gurung also addressed the gathering.
Organized by the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), with the support of Ministry of Agriculture, and co-sponsored by DONER Ministry as well as the Ministry of Rural Development and state government as the host, the five-day expo will highlight the region's vast agri potential to the industrial community, besides bringing all stakeholders onto a single platform to address growth and development needs of the farm sector in the North East. The Expo, which brings together the governments of the eight different states, will also highlight the innovative agri equipment, technologies and services developed in the North-Eastern states.
The inaugural was marked by the presence of hosts of VIPs and dignitaries including NCP leader PA Sangma, MP, both MPs from the state Wangyuh Konyak and TR Zeliang, ministers and MLAs of the state. Cultural programmes presented by cultural troupes of various North-Eastern states and release of souvenir and other publications by the Union Agriculture Minister were the other highlights. Nagaland Agriculture Minister, Kuzholuzo Neinu, gave the vote of thanks.
SIDELIGHTS The inaugural of the five-day North East Agro-Expo at Old Sugar Mills nursery here today, which the state has established as a permanent venue for such future events, provided some interesting moments. First, gusts of monsoon winds delayed the proceedings of the inauguration for over thirty minutes. Thundershowers showed up at the wrong time, first when chief minister Neiphui Rio was delivering his welcome address. A second spell of showers while Union Minister Sharad Pawar was mid-way in his speech finally broke the will power as hundreds ran helter-skelter for cover. Many students including others had to leave the venue. For hundreds of commoners, the Expo was a disappointment as they were not allowed to enter the 'high security zone'in view of the presence of the VVIPs. They were allowed in only at 6 p.m. after the conclusion of the function. Pawar's gaffe while delivering his speech at the foundation stone laying ceremony for the proposed cricket stadium at Sovima, had tongues wagging. Responding to pleas for fund from the BCCI, Pawar said he would take up the issue when he returned to India. He then corrected himself saying when he got back to "Delhi/Bombay".
Open Forum: Assam’s poll battle (The author is The Statesman’s Guwahati-based Special Representative.)
It is unusual but true that there is hardly any poll fever prevailing in Assam where voting for the 12th Assembly election is to be held on 3 and 10 April. The people have by and large remained indifferent to the electioneering by political parties while the banned United Liberation Front of Assam has once again termed the exercise as nothing but a “farce that has been of no use to the people of Assam.” The outfit however has stopped short of calling for a poll boycott this time.
The people have remained cold to the electioneering as the major parties are basically harping on old issues of insurgency, infiltration from Bangladesh and underdevelopment – burning problems in Assam for decades, thanks to successive governments by Congress and Asom Gana Parishad failing to keep their promises. The latter had entered the political scene of the state on the basis of its tirade against infiltration from Bangladesh.
The ruling Congress and its arch rival AGP have pitched their electioneering on the main plank of insurgency while the BJP has focused more on infiltration. It is surprising that the AGP is not as vociferous as expected on the issue of infiltration while the Congress seems to talk about commitment to solve the problem without taking the name of Bangladesh. “The party is against infiltration from any country,” the Congress poll manifesto declares and promises to find a solution to the problem within the ambit of Asom Accord of 1985.
The AGP too has adopted a similar stand on the illegal migrants issue and promises to tackle it in the light of the Asom Accord. Both the parties seem to be taking a cautious line on the issue to avoid creation of apprehension in the minds of minority voters.
The BJP, however, is talking straight on the issue. It is on the top of the party’s election manifesto. Former BJP president Venkaiah Naidu announced that the party viewed infiltration from Bangladesh as a threat to the existence of Asom. “If illegal migration from Bangladesh continues unabated, another Islamic state will be created out of Asom. The Congress has failed to fathom the gravity of the problem of illegal migration in order to retain its vote bank among Bangladeshi migrants. Over two crore Bangladeshis have swarmed into the country,” Mr Naidu said. The BJP has vowed to oppose the Congress bid to incorporate provisions of the scrapped IMDT Act, 1983, in the Foreigners Act to protect interests of illegal migrants. In this regard Mr Naidu cited the instance of Foreigners (Tribunals for Asom) Order, 2006, formulated by the Congress-led UPA government.
The AGP has taken a firmer posture vis-à-vis insurgency. The party has vowed to fight for the withdrawal of the Armed Forces Special Power Act from the state if voted to power.
Releasing the party’s election manifesto in five languages – Assamese, Hindi, English, Bengali and Bodo – here on Thursday, AGP president Brindabon Goswami said the party was opposed to prolonged deployment of the Army for internal security duty in the state and would launch a fight for withdrawal of all “black laws” now enforced in the state. He further said the party would mount pressure on the Central government to take the nascent negotiation process with the banned Ulfa to a permanent and honourable solution to the insurgency problem.
“The AGP has no confidence in solving insurgency through use of force. We consider insurgency a political problem, not one of law and order. The AGP will strive to establish a state of trust in Asom where killings and violence have created mistrust among different communities and sections of society. We are for autonomy to ethnic groups and demand setting up of a Upper House in the state to give adequate representation to them,” the AGP chief said.
It may be mentioned that the demand for withdrawal of the AFSPA and other “black laws” is at the top of the agenda of the Ulfa-nominated negotiators of People’s Consultative Group.
The Congress has flaunted its “achievement” breaking ice between the banned Ulfa and the Centre and promised to take the nascent peace negotiation with the outfit to a solution in the next five years provided it remains in power. In respect of other militant groups including the National Democratic Front of Bodoland, Dima Halam Daogah and United People’s Democratic Solidarity which are now in cease-fire with the Government of India, the Congress has pledged to resolve the problem in a “pragmatic manner” to “usher in peace”.
About insurgency, the BJP said it stood for finding a solution to the problem within the ambit of the Constitution. For the saffron party, restoration peace in Asom remains a priority, as it believes that peace is an essential prerequisite to development. Besides these two burning issues, the political parties are trying their best to showcase their commitment to solve other burning problems like burgeoning unemployment, floods and erosion, lack of infrastructure, shortcomings in education and health sectors. These problems have remained in the state since Independence. Obviously, voters are taking the promises to solve them with a pinch of salt.
Justice or oligarchy By RS Jassal Editorial Sangai Express
The Naga society is governed by multi-tiers of judiciaries i.e., from times immemorial by customary laws, village courts with advent of statehood by Tribal Councils, Town committee and the State of Nagaland, laws and with the advancement in the revolutionary outfits, by Yazabo of FGN/NNC, NSCN now NSCN (IM) & NSCN (K).
In addition NMA can establish mobile check posts anywhere to search for liquor etc under prohibition/social curfew and NSF can interfere in turning out outsiders and if desired can allow them re-entry without remorse, they can close any shop or even the whole market and influence political elections too and you will hardly find students on Federation. The Naga society never believed in executing a person so any murderous crime involving trial or execution was to be thus carried out by an order under seal and signature of Governor. For quite some decades revolutionaries used to execute revolutionaries only for example Dr. Imkonglieba Ao, Kaito Sema, during FGN/NNC high days. Brig. Ngamlu & Nunghi & Star and Tangkhuls, Peyu Konyak during NSCN combined days. Surprisingly community killing of 108 Tangkhul boys on split of NSCN into IM & K happened from erstwhile Upper Burma to South Manipur during 1980’s. It is said Muivah the supremo of NSCN (IM) also escaped assassination with prompt & express intervention of SS Khaplang himself & today two groups stand as they are, claiming supremacy by day to day manoeuvres. Both are in peace negotiations with GOI but at war amongst themselves. Political scenario of Nagaland stands affected. Running of political activities, collections (I dare not say extortions) and running of judiciaries in their own style are known to many. A new trend of executions & protections to criminals has surprised many. Take the case of Maram boy shot dead in case of Van driver Ibomcha killing on Paren road & his body thrown on NH39, shooting of two persons to death and handing over other three to State police as reported in Nagaland papers Nagaland Page & NE Herald on 13 and 14th Mar and protection-cum-trial-cum bail to James Kuki in murder case of baby Lungnila Elizabeth which rocked the entire state of Manipur are shocking.
It gives a looks like age old adage power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely staring you in the face in Nagaland on a daily basis. Oct/Nov Zero Four witnessed some Angamis boys eyes douched & killed. Recently incidents reported in the papers on 13 March is therefore no exception. The summary trial and neat extermination of two alleged killers by groups that have usurped absolute powers onto themselves is a clear and gory example of the degeneration of human psyche and societal values. It may be true that these were alleged killers, psychopaths or paid assassins who have committed heinous crimes But this is a matter for the guardians of law empowered by the Government to investigate and above all for the judiciary to judge. The usurpers do not have any God-given right to terminate lives of people so arbitrarily. The rather lame and inexcusable lie that they have been killed while attempting to escape appears ridiculous. One must be an imbecile or an idiot not to see the real game.
It is very surprising to see that the group which keeps on harping on the issue of Naga sovereignty is itself displaying a behaviour which is rather contradicting their own fight for peace. Where are the Human Rights activists now? Why aren’t they raising their voices against such heinous crimes without taking into consideration the decision of Civil Administrative Agencies there for the maintenance of law and order in the State? It is time for the whole Naga community to introspect and discover that what they call ‘struggle for peace’ is actually leading them towards total anarchy and doom. Fight for peace does not come from killing and indulging in criminal activities by the National workers.
I am reminded about a daring writing in the Sentinel by former Chief Editor Bezboruah on ULFA. Selected intellectuals had asked ULFA authorities the type of administration they would like to provide to the people on achieving their goal. The reply was debated & ULFA could not satisfy the intellectuals. This is quite visible now in approach of AASU and AGP on matter of autonomy and sovereignty of ULFA. People love democracy whatever weakness the system may have compared to Oligarchy. There is immediate requirement for Naga society to ask the power be in peace truce period as to what approach NSCN (IM) & (K) would like to adopt on summary trial & shootings. Or they want to keep elimination part with them & trials by the Nagaland judiciary? Immediate and urgent requirement is to put a stop to extra judicial killing by groups in peace, truce to up hold the dignity of man to life keeping with the slogan of Nagaland for Christ.

Human Rights and National Security: A Neo-Nagaland Police!
There has been various debates about National Security vis-à-vis Human Rights in recent times across not only India but, rather disturbingly, across the western countries. Before the Indian National Congress came to power, there was a big debate in the Mukherjee hall at St. Stephen’s College over the same topic. The debaters were Jairam Ramesh, (presently a Minister in the UPA Government), and Shashi Tharoor,Author and currently the Under Secretary to Kofi Annan, UN Secretary General. These debates were mostly initiated by the Government Departments or by Universities irrespective of whichever Country it was discussed. Why did this particular theme become a phenomenal issue? Before Osama Bin Laden’s jihadis plane-bombed the U S of A, draconian laws were uncomfortably discussed and vilified by scores of human rights activists and humanists. In India the debates in Delhi happened immediately after the rubbles of the Twin Towers were replaced by twin light beams. Interestingly, the issue of whether to scrap POTA or not was the primary political focus at that moment and the Congress, being in opposition, lost no time in flaming the fires of dissent in all the platforms they could avail. The more vocal dissenters were the left parties in India and the Vaiko inspired protests in Tamil Nadu, which eventually allowed the DMK led Alliance to sweep the Lok Sabha Polls in Tamil Nadu. It does not require a trained mind to observe the political link of this theme in the light of the above. In the end POTA was scrapped and the newly formed UPA Government took a strong anti-terrorist stance by proposing to strengthen the CrPc and the police in tackling “terrorists’ operating in India. While the debates raged on about whether National security should be above human rights, the policy makers and the so called think tanks strongly favored a strong police force, strong not only in arms but also by law. The word impunity did not feature in the assessment of giving immunity to the police and of course the Army, while operating in disturbed areas.
The interest in this issue has been varied and depending on expediency of some political situations, as was seen in the case of the Congress, the decibel level has been accordingly maintained. And while the world was turbulently flowing through the various intricacies of this issue, Nagaland Police also organised a similar debate among its officers early this year, in keeping with the trends of the world. Why oh why should we write about such an uneventful and seemingly inconsequential process in this present state of Nagaland? It can only be explained by tracing back the history of draconian laws since 1958(let us ignore the British Acts for now) and relating it to the current Peace Process. The birth and development of the Armed Forces Special Powers in the Naga Areas and in other conflict areas in India led to the gradual reduction of civil space in those areas. The provisions within the act are sufficient enough to frustrate the most ardent evangelist of the sanctity of the “biggest democracy” known as India. Alongwith the AFSPA there emerged a new policing concept called the unified command where the Army and the paramilitary forces join hands with the local deputies to practically continue with the AFSPA. Of course this means less space for the ever diminishing civil society. We already have a unique history of sorts with draconian acts and the dutiful police force. Therefore it is completely logical that besides the semantics involved in such debates and also the financial support from the centre, it can be the beginning of a self-motivation that has the potential to become the dominant discourse and therefore the general truth when it comes to dealing with all sorts of offenders and suspected detainees.
At the international level the recently created Counter-Terrorism Committee of the Security Council has been the cynosure of all Human Rights bodies due to its lack of the human rights component. The UN has created, through a resolution, a Special Rapporteur on the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism. In the recent Human Rights Monitor published by the International Service for Human Rights, there was strong emphasis on the impact that “laws and measures to combat terrorism” can have on the respect for detainees’ integrity and the right to be tried before an independent and impartial justice system. According to the report, “upholding human rights in the fight against terrorism remains a fundamental human rights issue, with civil society continuing to document and publicize severe human rights abuses committed within the context of the “War against Terror”. Further, UN special procedures and the human rights treaty-monitoring bodies have continued to observe and record violations of human rights committed in the context of State counter-terrorism measures.” In the vortex of all these international phenomenon we are also getting drawn into concepts which did not exist in the Naga customary laws. There was a restorative will in the delivery and interpretation of justice unlike the ones we are witnessing today. In our pride as a warrior people we are losing sight of the fact that the pride lies in the protection of our rights and respect for other peoples’ rights; not in the blind assertion of might or aggression. This was seen recently in the deployment of the IRB from Nagaland to Chattisgarh. How unfortunate is it for Nagas that when the struggle for the right to self-determination took us through various painful experiences and is still teaching us a lot, we are participating in the same methods and tactics of the oppressing agencies. There are ways to tackle political problems and the Government of the day has rightly pointed out that it is through dialogues and not through military might. How then can we who profess to support the Indo-Naga Peace Process behave so self-contradictorily? We cannot become outsourcing agencies for other war mongers.
The trend which prevails must also be challenged in the pulpits of the church because it is a fact that almost every Naga attends the Sunday service or mass. Are we as Christians to become war machines for the sake of money? These are questions which must be debated vigorously and if time and financial support are given to the Nagaland Police, why not go for an interactive debate with others outside the police force on such issues.
Another interesting thing to note here is that human rights and civil society organs are becoming too bureaucratic and numb to even notice the formalization of impunity by such debates. A lot of people reminiscence over the effective civil society organs during the earlier regime in the state of Nagaland, but now it seems that either you are neutralized or in effective or that the government of the day has become too intolerant towards uncomfortable views and opinion makers. Finally it must be remembered that the health of a society is measured by the space it allows for different opinions rather than by the politicization of such space.

Mmhonlümo Kikon 26-03-2006

Focus horticulture for NE growth: Pawar Minister says agricultural sector moving from being supply driven to market driven ATREYEE DEV ROY Posted online: Tuesday, March 28, 2006
DIMAPUR, NAGALAND, MARCH 27: Minister of agriculture Sharad Pawar on Monday said horticulture and other areas of agriculture, livestock, poultry, food processing and financing agri business are the thrust areas which should be strengthened for the development of the North Eastern region of the country. For this Mr Pawar called for public private partnership in all these areas. Speaking at the North East Agri Expo-2006, which is jointly organised by the ministry of agriculture, ministry of development of north-eastern region and the ministry of rural development and co-organised by Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), the minister said the Indian agricultural sector is moving from being supply driven to market driven.
According to the minister the goal of achieving 4% growth in agriculture will require large investments in irrigation, post harvest management, infrastructure, processing and value addition.
Emphasis was also laid on making marginal lands cultivable. It has been assessed that investment to the tune of Rs 11,172 crore would be required for infrastuctural development and agricultural marketing in the north-east. To encourage private and corporate investment in the region Mr Pawar asked for the repeal of the Agriculture Produce Marketing Committee Act (APMCA) and said the Integrated Food Law for promoting food processing, the Warehouse Receipt Law and the Essential Commodities Act, retaining just a handful of commodities as essential, and the Forward Contract (Regulation) Act amendment will allow future trading in important agricultural commodities. Minister of state for food processing Subodh Kant Sahay said a sum of Rs 4000 crore would be invested for setting up infrastructure in food and vegetation sector. Emphasis was also laid on developing meat processing, as there is a potential market for it in the region.
Also speaking at the event, Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio said development of the area can provide an answer to insurgency and related problems. Earlier in the day, Mr Pawar laid the foundation stone of the Central Institute of Horticulture (CIH) with the aim to fill the gap in providing the technological and institutional support required for the promotion of horticulture. According to the minister, the research institutions set up by Indian Council for Agricultural research (ICAR) or the state agricultural universities (SAUs) were insufficient to promote improved technologies. Besides capacity building by training of officers, farmers, extension officers, entrepreneurs, exporters etc., the CIH shall provide follow on extension support in the field of horticulture. It will also provide demonstration of improved technologies such as the use of improved varieties and hybrids, hi-tech farming, precision farming protected cultivation, post harvest technology etc.
Surrendered UGs flee from Lamphel rehabilitation centre The Imphal Free Press IMPHAL, March 27: Two surrendered underground activists, one belonging to the PLA and another to the KLA have fled from the Lamphel Rehabilitation Centre where they were staying during the last two weeks. The Lamphel police station registered cases regarding the disappearance of the two after the in-charge of 2nd MR post there at the rehabilitation centre made formal written complaints, a source said today. The two surrendered militants who were lodged in the rehabilitation centre, Lamphel are believed to have fled from the centre in order to re-join their parent underground organisations, said the source said .The source identified the missing men as Kangabam Romeo Meetei alias Bobby, 26, son of K Kunjo Meetei of Lairongthel Pitra, a PLA cadre and TS Jamkhogin Haokip, 23, son of late Jamthang Haokip of Phalbung village, Chandel district, a KLA cadre. The two separate complaints were lodged on March 24 by the in-charge of the centre, Ch Sharatchandra Singh of 2nd MR post, Lamphel, the source informed.The PLA cadre made his escape on last March 15 while the KLA cadre fled the centre on March 20, according to the source.

Chicken Neck Syndrome Source: IMPHAL FREE PRESS Posted: 2006-03-28

It is not too rare to hear of the narrow 22 km or so chicken neck corridor between Bangladesh and Bhutan that connects mainland India with the northeast, being used as an apt image to describe the alienation of the northeast from national mainstream. This 22 km of border is supposed to constitute only about two percent of the total boundary of the northeast. All of the rest of 98 percent are international borders. With China and Bhutan in the north, Myanmar in the East, Bangladesh in the South and much of the West. The physical picture is unambiguous. It conveys a stark sense of lack of contact, physical and spiritual, with subcontinental India. Many have indeed often argued powerfully how this physical condition portrays an inner psychological distance that is the destiny of the relationship of the northeast with the soul of India. From its lack of development to the numerous secessionist insurrections it is witnessing, have all been attributed in varying degrees to this distance.

The only shortcoming of this perspective is, the question as to how much this chicken neck is a physical condition and not a political one, seldom follows as a natural interrogation. This is serious because the omission results in the obscuring a historical fact that the chicken neck is a residual fallout of colonial politics and administration, rather than a given, natural, physical feature. To be precise, how responsible is the Radcliff Line, the boundary drawn by the British colonial administration before they departed from India in 1947, the culprit behind the “distance” between the northeast and rest of India? Did this boundary commission have to have the northeast connected to India by a chicken neck? If the Radcliff Line did not make this chicken neck a chicken neck, would the alienation of the northeast that has almost become a cliché today, have been the same? Of course the chicken neck does expose another general mindset of the Indian leadership at the time the Radcliff Line was drawn, and perhaps even today. They allowed the chicken neck to materialize, which it is doubtful they would have if say Gujarat were to be thus isolated by an international political boundary. No war has been fought over the Radcliff Line’s chicken neck, but one was over another border demarcating the northeast – the MacMohan Line.

These lines did much more to alter the face and psychology of the northeast. Ever since they came into existence, the sea suddenly became remote, the Barak Valley came to be undermined considerably politically and commercially, thriving border trades became stiflingly regulated or else condemned to slow strangulation etc. Without going into the rigmarole of the justness or otherwise of these lines, for indeed they are a reality today not to be undone, at least not easily, one simple question beggars an answer. What was it like, or what must it have been like, before these lines were drawn, in the case of some of them, not much more than half a century ago? This question is beginning to be asked in so many other situations everywhere in the post-colonial world, and with astounding results. Economic and cultural zones that transcend but do not disturb national boundaries are emerging. The Greater Mekong Sub-region, GMS, the Association of South East Asian Nation, ASEAN, the much heard of Track-II “Kunming Initiative” which envisages to create the BCIM, Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar economic cooperation and connectivity, to name just a few. One way of attempting to answer the question as to what it must have been like before the national boundaries came up, would be to have a look at the unofficial relations that still exists despite the boundaries. The popular unofficial trade routes, or smuggling and gun running channels if you like, is one such. Would making these routes official make a difference to the scenario and bring what is underground, overground, as much as make what is illegal, legal? The other approach would be to refer to the abiding memories of the time that still lingers on. Just as Cox Bazar and Mandalay are familiar names to unofficial traders, so are Dhaka and Chittagong to many first, second and even third generation Western education literate, in places like Manipur. Sylhet too is fond memory for many in Manipur who still have distant relatives living there.
Hmar Inpui cold to Ibobi's visit Newmai News Network
Imphal,Mar 27 : Reacting to the report of the Chief Minister's plan to visit Thanlon and Parbung today, the Hmar Inpui (Hmar Supreme House) has said that it cannot help but treat the visit with reservation. The apex body of the Hmar community in a statement said that the people of Thanlon and Parbung subdivisions bore the brunt of non-tribal UGs who raped women, tortured the villagers and created mayhem in January last and before. “As many as 160 landmine victims and 21 rape cases have been so far reported and more than one thousand innocent villagers had fled to Mizoram,” stated the Hmar Inpui. The Hmar body said that Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh and his Government had been maintaining an uncanny silence for long “as if the incidents had occurred on planet Mars and now the Chief Minister has coughed up enough courage to visit these areas after more than two months of the occurrence of the incidents.”
It said that the Chief Minister and his men should visit the affected areas by road and not by helicopters and spend a few days so that they can interact and see the reality of things in the areas and even visit the victims' homes.
There has been no governance as all Government machineries are virtually absent in the areas.
The Chief Minister will notice this only when he travels by road, stated the Hmar supreme body and added that it would not take part in the reception programme.
“We welcome the Chief Minister’s decision to institute a Judicial Inquiry in the rape cases and the mayhem and the appoinment of a retired Judge for the purpose but the Hmar Inpui categorically objects to the clubbing together of a case of the alleged mistreatment of M Naobi by the Manipur police commandos with the cases of rape perpetrated by non-tribal UGs at Lungthuilien, Parbung, Turbung and elsewhere,” stated the Hmar Inpui reasoning that the two cases are quite different. The Hmar Inpui then demanded that the M Naobi case and the Hmar rape/mayhem incidents should not be clubbed together. It demanded that the inquiry on the rape of the Hmar girls be conducted purely at the crime scenes and also that the Manipur Government make the necessary arrangements for the inquiry team to move to Parbung areas immediately to conduct the inquiry. Other demands of the Hmar apex body are that the government ensures transparency in the inquiry and free from any outside influence particularly from the perpetrators of the crimes and then to be included or associated by the inquiry team with the representatives of Hmar students Association and Hmar Women Association.Hmar Inpui considers any attempt to move the inquiry outside the crime scenes as a deliberate attempt to hoodwind justice,said the Hmar apex body signed by its president S.K.Joute and its secretary V.F. Tusing.
NPO asks KRA to define loyalty tax By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express
IMPHAL, Mar 27 : Reacting to the statement of the Kuki Revolutionary Army that a sum of Rs 3 lakhs was taken as loyalty tax from a contractor engaged in constructing the Rs 2 crore school building at T Khullen which is a unit village of the NPO, the latter has asked the militant group to clearly define what it meant by loyalty tax imposed on the Nagas.
In a statement, NPO said that one contractor was kidnapped by KRA and released only after paying an amount of Rs 3 lakhs. The KRA had called the amount loyalty tax, said NPO and demanded what they meant by loyalty tax from the Nagas to the KRA. The NPO could not remain silent spectator when any developmental programme within its jurisdiction is hampered through kidnapping, detention, demands, embargoes etc. Instead of resorting to these measures, peaceful methods should be pursued, said NPO. Revolutionary groups functioning at their own capacities may deem it justified to carry on their agenda as long as they receive the support of the people of any place. However when any group breaks this barrier by way of kidnapping or extortion, tranquillity is disturbed, said the statement. Stating that the NPO is for peace and development, the statement said that there is the need to maintain good rapport between the different communities. NPO reiterated that the Rs 3 lakhs should be returned.
Marginalization - the American Indian ways By Phanjoubam Chingkheinganba
Nearly 500 years ago, no native American Indians would have imagined that their contacts with the white people of Europe would one day reduce or completely annihilate them in their native lands. The process was slow but a steady one. At the beginning the two groups of people - local inhabitants and outsiders - dealt in matters of business such as exchanging goods. However, as the time passes the white people began to buy lands from the natives and settled there. Their contacts with the natives brought them a good deal of information regarding the tribals. As population expansion took place in Europe, many people migrated to the 'New World'. With this began the policy of conquest. The white settlers learned about the rivalry amongst the tribes. This was fully utilized by the whites. They supported the weaker ones to destroy the stronger ones. Whites, being far more advanced, systematically terminated those who resisted them.
With the growth of their population, as a result of unabated influx, they became more optimistic about grabbing the lands from the locals. They then set out to colonize the 'New World'. The whites gradually eroded on the value system of the locals, came in control of vast stretches of lands and the natural resources. It was preceded by mass murders, conspiracies, plots to disunite and bring feuds among the native tribes who never realized the way their future was to become. This influx in large number totally marginalised the natives in their own lands. Thus ended the glorious chapter of American Indian history.
In the history of Manipur, such a similar context had taken place. Prior to the Seven Years Devastation', there were constant quarrels among the princes for the throne of kingship. This was vividly realized by the Burmese and was considered a favorable time to invade Manipur to seek vengeance for the humiliation they had earlier received from this tiny country. The rest is history. Wouldn't have been a different history had the princes united and put up a strong resistance against the foreign invaders? To those who forgot their history, they are bound to repeat it again.
Today's Manipur presents the same circumstances that had earlier been encountered by the American Indians centuries ago, but in a more complex form. The present generation has so much to learn from the misfortunes of the American Indians.
The last few decades have seen a tremendous increase in the population of non-locals (non-Manipuris). They have filled the void created by Manipuris declination of doing menial jobs in the pretext of honour. We see barbers, cobblers, juice sellers, coolies cropping up in each and every locality. Migration are moreover encouraged by Manipuris preference of doing business with non-Manipuris because of cheap and more disciplined laborers. On the other hand bigger businessmen (in standard with that of Manipuri businessmen) consisting almost all non-Manipuris have virtually taken over the markets of Imphal and other important places. While our own businessman are losing out in the struggle, it is to be noted that most of the authorised dealers and agents are predominantly non-Manipuris. Thus, it can be concluded that the control of economy of the State has fallen into the hands of the outsiders. In addition to it, transaction of products or business in the most active part of Indo-Myanmar trade centre, Moreh, is done mainly by Tamils and other non-Manipuris have also enrolled their names in the electoral lists paving the way to upholding the power in the not so distant future.
As regards to the struggle of power in the state, different organizations are cutting each other's throat, literally. Holding of power means getting rich by hoarding money meant for the people. As the State has severe financial constraints, many people strive for political ambition. This has led to extreme rivalry among the people. Quite contrary to other parts of the world, ideological reforms and revolutionary ideas have nothing to do with achieving power. The way to political power is through the ability to spend more money for buying the votes. The more amusing part is the willingness to sell one's own vote for a few sum of rupees.
In such a situation, there are allegations of 'funding a person(s) of their choice to come to power'. There may be 'hidden agenda' behind this gesture. Is it to make their business thrive against the monetary demands of insurgent outfits? There are reasons to believe for the extra security cover in the market areas than any other places. Do the non-local business persons want a puppet Government? For what purpose?
Continuous influx of outsiders has reached an alarming proportion. Their gradual erosion into the native community can be seen in community feasts (meant basically for the locals) held such as after a marriage or shradha ceremony. Their settlement in large number along the riverside of Imphal on the pretext of being washer-men and in different parts of valley has enormously increased the population of non-locals in the State.
On the other side of the coin are insurgency, diseases, addiction, ethnic conflicts, suspicion, hatred among the original settlers. Years of insurgency-related violence and epidemic diseases like AIDS have dwindled the local population. Almost all the major communities of Manipur - Meiteis, Kukis, Kabuis, Zomis, Nagas, etc have communal tensions amongst them. Although linguistically and originally all of native settlers belong to the Tibeto-Burman group of family, they have overlooked the fact for much lesser concepts of sub-nationalism. Everything is divided along the lines of ethnicity. Brothers who have lived as peaceful neighbors for centuries, have turned so much against each other than only a spark is needed for engulfing the entire state in flames. Instead of trying to solve their differences they are constantly digging the ground to create more hatred feeling amongst them. Are their external, invisible forces responsible for this? Peace, however desirable, in this region can not be brought by negotiation with particular insurgent outfits. One must realise this. To presume that peace can be made by signing some accords with one or two outfits is totally miscalculation.
Family planning is of utmost importance to the mainland India which has more than a billion population. It has several advantages. It is in line with the common man's dream of a small and happy family. On the outsides it directly means the gradual decrease of local population.
One must know that Manipur doesn't form even one percent in the whole population of India. Popularizing large family is not the solution, the thing is to regulate the inflow of outsiders, to stop them from grabbing political power in near future, to prevent them from controlling the economy of the State.
The most important issue is not AIDS, insurgency, corruption but to stop the continuing influx the west. Else the Meiteis as well as the tribes will one day be marginalized in their own homeland which had been in their possession from the earliest human habitation.
The ways as to how to prevent from such a thing to happen is our responsibility. May be, by undoing the things done by the American Indians; whey they gifted their homes to the whites by allowing them to buy and settle in their lands, by not dealing with any sort of business etc. Such things may be and will be considered narrow-mindedness in today's world of globalization. Let it be said rather than drown under the waves of immigrants from the west. With realization must come action and responsibilities instead of nodding heads and turning away.

Manipur outfit vows death penalty to rape guilty From Sobhapati Samom Assam Tribune
IMPHAL, March 27 – Manipur-based outfit United National Liberation Front has promised to award capital punishment to any of its cadres found guilty by the fact finding team of committing the crime of rape.
Cadres of UNLF and another outfit Kangleipak Communist Party have been reportedly accused of raping 21 Hmar girls in Manipur’s Tipaimukh area in mid-January this year. Welcoming the effort to constitute a fact finding team by civil societies ‘Threatened Indigenous People’s Society’(TIPS) in particular on the issue of rape allegations against the cadres of the two outfits, Ksh Yoiheiba, senior publicity officer of UNLF in a statement said, “It is of prime importance to establish whether the rape was actually committed or not. Mere parading of the rape victims cannot be taken as sufficient proof of the same,” adding “no rape victims were paraded before Governor Sidhu when he visited Parbung recently as was asserted by some NGOs”.
It informed that several inconsistent versions of rape stories and fluctuating number of rape victims have been reported in local and outside media. The outfit appealed to Hmar Inpui, Hmar Women’s Association, Naga Mothers’ Union Manipur, All Tribal Students Union and All Naga Students Association of Manipur to join and cooperate with the fact finding team instead of rejecting it outright.

“There is no reason why champions of ethnic human rights should refuse to do so,” it said adding the outfit will give capital punishment to any of its cadres found guilty by fact finding team of rape.

Meanwhile, of the 21 Hmar women, who were allegedly gang-raped by UG cadres, four of them have given their testimonies to a team of human rights activists. The team called the Civil Society Fact Finding Team on Internally Displaced People from Tipaimukh sub-division, comprising representatives of Hmar Students’ Union (HRA), Rongmei Lu Phuam (RLP), Human Rights Law Network (HRLN), Human Rights Alert (HRA) and Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) conducted a six-day study at Mizoram and the affected areas of Churachandpur from March 5.