03/17/2006: "Naga students gain upper hand"

Naga students gain upper hand
- Varsity sends nominee list for acting V-C’s post OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph Kohima, March 15: The Post-Graduate Students’ Union (PGSU) of Nagaland University, who went on a rampage on Monday, today claimed they had received a “positive response” from the Union ministry of human resources development on their plea for the removal of vice-chancellor G.D. Sharma. A source said the registrar of the university received a letter from the Union ministry of human resources development asking for a list of probable candidates to take charge as acting vice-chancellor. The university sent the list yesterday. Student union president Thonsenlo Magh said Monday’s violence could have been avoided if they were told the details of the letter received from the ministry. The past two days have been peaceful following the Kohima deputy commissioner’s decision to impose prohibitory orders under Section 144 in the area.
Yesterday, minister for higher education Shur-hozelie Liezietsu said some of the allegations against Sharma were “wild”. “The university has shown us account numbers in which funds have been deposited and since it is a fixed deposit, the interest cannot be embezzled,” he said. The Nagaland University Teachers’ Association (NUTA) had allegedly told students that the money was being put in the vice-chancellor’s account. Liezietsu said NUTA “is too wise”. He said if the varsity aimed to be a centre of excellence, violent protests were not the way to express discontent. Whereas students prote-sted against the delay in setting up of an engineering college and a management institute, the minister revealed that the “all India technical committee” is yet to give its approval for setting up of the colleges. He added that land had not been selected for the colleges in the Kohima campus of the university. Nagaland University has three campuses, including Lumami in Zunheboto district and an agricultural campus at Medziphema in Dimapur district. Students refuted the minister’s statement arguing that they are protesting against the slow development of the university. Magh accused Sharma of delaying development of the campus although funds were available.
Govt for peace, devp. Correspondent Nagaland Post
KOHIMA, MARCH 16 (NPN): Nagaland Governor Shyamal Datta on Thursday said the DAN government has accorded the highest priority to peace and development by adopting the slogan "Peace for development and development for peace" Addressing the Budget session of tenth Nagaland Legislative Assembly which began here Thursday, the Governor said "the State government stands committed to the peace process and will spare no effort to help bring about an honourable settlement of the Naga political issue."
Datta underlined the need for peace and development in the state while elucidating various measures undertaken towards the objective while also assuring that his government would guard against any hindrances or obstacles towards resolving the decades-old Naga political problem. He expressed appreciation to the Centre and the NSCN (IM) for extending the ceasefire towards a peaceful settlement and commended the contributions of various NGOs, churches and civil society organizations for restoration of peace in the State.
He also lauded the Government of India for upgrading the Naga peace talks to the political level and also the assembly Speaker for convening a meeting of all legislators which resolved towards constituting the Joint Consultative Committee for Peace. Datta also pledged his government's resolve to safeguard the security and safety to the lives and property of the people .While expressing satisfaction on the sharp decline of criminal and anti-social activities in the state, Datta also acknowledged the role of the state's law enforcement agencies in maintenance of peace. He said the overwhelming desire of the Naga people to live with lasting peace was the compelling force that has helped in achieving a measure of respite from violence. The Governor also praised the 9 NAP (IR) jawans for their "gallant display of courage, determination and fortitude in maintaining peace" in Chhattisgarh. He said that while Nagaland was regarded as remote, isolated and underdeveloped, was today showing signs of resurgence with youths gaining new confidence to join mainstream of economic activities besides exploring job markets outside the State and gaining employment in all fields.
Priority to agri & allied sectors
Datta said the DAN government has accorded priority to agriculture and allied sectors, which was growing at a good rate as indicated by food production which has crossed the four-lakh tonne mark during the current financial year Addressing the tenth session of the 10th Nagaland legislative assembly that began here today, the governor said "This has been brought about through the adoption of the policy of commercial scale cultivation and the buy back policy by my government".
He also informed the house that Nagaland was hosting the northeast Agri Expo in Dimapur along with Investors' meet, sponsored by the Government of India and co-organized by the state government and the Confederation of Indian Industries. Dwelling on the Nagaland Bamboo Mission, the Governor said a bamboo shoot processing unit has already begun production at the Ganeshnagar Growth Center. On the agricultural productivity sector, he said an area of 4556 hectares of land had been covered during 2005-06 under the Accelerated Irrigation Benefit Programme with an outlay of Rs.10.67 crores. He said the state proposed to cover more areas under agricultural productivity during 2006-07 an increased outlay of Rs.32.60 crores. Datta also said under the Cooperative sector, the Integrated Cooperative Development Project was being implemented in Tuensang and Phek districts with an allocation of Rs.1.36 crores and Rs1.02 crores respectively.
He also said one veterinary hospital for all the eleven districts were being set up under loan from NABARD besides a hatchery/broiler production unit at Medzhiphema. He also stressed on the need for creating awareness and education on precautions to face natural calamities with adoption of alternative methods of cultivation. Other points highlighted in the speech included the construction of the Forest Office complex and residential complex at Dimapur, Public park, community Bio-diversity conservation, aesthetic plantations, etc during 2006-07. Datta also spoke of the need for industrialization and accelerated economic development which he said were almost synonymous. He pointed out some of the reasons for retarded industrial growth adding the contribution of the manufacturing sector was only 0.64% of the state's GDP. He also said that work on the Integrated Industrial Development Centre along with a Food Park at Kiruphema in Kohima district was also being initiated. To promote tourism in the rural areas, the government has taken up projects in Mon, Mokokchung, Zunheboto and Phek districts. He said the tourism department was in collaboration with Indian Tourism Development Corporation for consultancy services and training to boost tourism in the state. Towards this objective construction of a major Tourist Hub at Kohima and minor hubs at Dimapur and Zunheboto were in the pipeline, he added.
`Safeguard territorial integrity of Manipur'' Special Correspondent The Hindu
NEW DELHI: A delegation of the Manipur Platform of Mass Organisation has sought Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's intervention in safeguarding the territorial integrity of Manipur by an act of Parliament.
Cease fire sought The delegation, compromising members of a conglomerate of class and mass groups of Manipur, met Dr. Singh on Thursday and asked him to declare a unilateral ceasefire to bring the insurgents to the negotiating table without any precondition.
Expressing concern and anguish over the recent expression of the "vested'' Naga leadership that the Naga problems could be solved only when the Naga-inhabited areas were united as a single administrative unit, the delegation pointed out that the dialogues between the Centre and NSCN (I-M) and the latter's demand for a greater Nagaland had led to a situation of unrest in the State. "Manipur, with a written history of 2,000 years, has been inhabited by different communities of ethnic groups, living in peace and harmony," they said.
Memorandum submitted In a memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister, the organisation also demanded adequate funds for infrastructure development of the State, creation of more Government jobs, filling of vacant posts and taking up immediate measures for implementation of the Rural Employment Guarantee Act. The memorandum sought a special economic package for the development of the State, establishment of more hydroelectric power projects to meet the domestic and industrial power requirements, completion of the construction of the Trans-Asian Highway project and upgradation of the National Highways in Manipur to four lanes. Led by L. Sotinkm umar Singh, chairperson of the organisation, the delegation invited Dr. Singh to visit the State.
MORAL FORCE The Telegraph
The women of Manipur have a history of defying fear and violence. But their recent protest against “mass rapes” by militants is an exceptional act of bravery. It is easier to admire the protest than to understand its true dimensions. The women’s action makes two very significant points. First, it goes a long way in demolishing some myths about the militants in Manipur and other states in the North-east. The militancy tries to thrive on the myth that the rebels are dedicated to the cause of the people’s freedoms. They are also projected as selfless warriors who sacrifice their lives for the cause. The women of Manipur have blown the myth to expose the venal side of the militancy. That the testimony comes from some of the twenty-one victims of the militants’ outrageous act makes it particularly shocking. But it is the second message from the event that needs to be emphasized. It shows that a public protest can have a moral force that can face up to the gun. Manipur’s brave women made history sometime back by dropping their clothes in in public in order to protest against another alleged rape by some jawans of the army. That event shook the country and forced the authorities to mend their ways. The women’s protest on the streets of Churachandpur may not end the insurgency; but it has been the strongest public condemnation so far of the rebels’ vile ways. It is expected to have its impact on insurgency-related abuses in other states in the region. Militant groups have long forced the common people there to suffer many injustices and indignities. The forcible collection of taxes is only a minor problem compared to the gross violations of human rights inflicted on the people. The fear of the gun stifles the people’s will and all voices of dissent. Manipur’s example can thus help the victims of insurgency in Nagaland and Assam. And, it is no coincidence that women of Manipur have shown the way. Women pay heavy prices for the conflicts in the North-east, as men die and homes are destroyed. But they also play a leading role in rebuilding homes and lives. The Naga Mothers’ Association does that in Nagaland like the women’s groups in Manipur. The important thing is the voice of protest, be it against the state’s excesses or against the militants’ cruel ways. The least the state can do is listen to the voices and act on them. That will lend credibility to the state’s campaign against the militancy.
Nagaland budget session begins Govt committed to peace process: Datta Chizokho Vero Kohima | March 16 Morung Express News

Nagaland Governor Shyamal Datta today asserted that his government stands committed to the peace process and will spare no effort to help bring about an honourable settlement of the Naga political issue.
“We are also committed to ensure that no hindrance or obstacles are created in resolving the issue, “Datta said in his address at the budget session that got started today.
He appreciated the contributions being made by various NGOs, churches and civil societies to the cause of peace. “The overwhelming desire of the Naga people to live in lasting peace is the compelling force that has helped in achieving a measure of respite from violence,” Datta said. My Government, he said, appreciated the wisdom of the NSCN and the Government of India for the extension of the ceasefire and the efforts to find a peaceful solution to the Naga political issue. Datta also appreciated the decision taken by the central government in upgrading the Naga peace talk to the political level and setting up a ministerial team for pursuing the peace process. Further, he lauded the initiative taken by Nagaland’s speaker in convening the joint meeting of all legislators on November 25 last and the resolution for the formation of the Joint Consultative Committee for peace, cutting across party lines.
On law and order front, Datta said that his government is determined to see that the people are assured of security of their lives and properties. For that it has laid great emphasis on the maintenance of law and order so that the people can go about their avocation peacefully without any sense of threats or insecurity. “It is a matter of satisfaction that the incidents of crime and other anti social activities have declined substantially during the three years of the existence of my government, Datta said. For this development, he commended the role of the administration and the public in particular. “We have experienced very tense situations in Tobu and in other parts of the state reporting factional clashes. It is to the credit of the Nagaland Police and the administration that all such tense and sensitive situations have been brought under control, “he said adding the Tobu issue was slowly returning to normalcy.
Datta said the men of the 9th NAP (IR) Battalion that has been deployed in Chattisgarh, are doing the state and the Naga people proud, with their valour and effectiveness being acknowledged by one and all in far away lands. “In the line of duty, while protecting the lives and properties of citizens, the Battalion has also suffered heavy casualties, with precious lives having been lost in the recent explosions and serious injuries to others.”
While we deeply mourn such losses, it is also a time for us to salute the jawans of 9th NAP (IR) for their gallant display of courage, determination and fortitude in maintaining peace, Data added. Morung Express News
Passive response of NU threatening students’ career: NPMHR The Morung Express
Dimapur March 16 (MExN): The Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) taking cognizance of the recent events of upheaval in the Nagaland University has asked the authorities to display more commitment, transparency and ‘moral responsibility’ by taking a more prudent approach “instead of playing around with the future of the young Naga generation.”
Expressing strong concern the organization stated that the growing impatience of the struggling community of Nagaland University due to lack of creative and credible response from the concern authorities for meeting their demands, was threatening to jeopardize the academic life of many upcoming young Naga students. “The passive and prolonged response by the concern authorities threatens to put the University life and the younger generation in a vortex of anarchy and despondency. The lack of an independent ordinance for Nagaland University has promoted a culture of manipulation and the continuing interplay of vested interest, against the established norms for responsibility and accountability by any University administration” Nepuni Piku, Secretary NPMHR stated.
The NPMHR demanded from the Government of Nagaland and the concerned Central authorities for Nagaland University to immediately engage with the dissenting parties to resolve the long-drawn-out impasse so that a wholesome environment is restored for the larger interest of the University Community. Further, the NPMHR while appealing to the concern officials of Nagaland University to display commitment to transparency and moral responsibility, also demanded the establishment of a required panel to investigate the demands made by the students and teaching community to take constructive measures so as to address the allegations of mismanagement, manipulation, corruption and ‘other negative culture.’ The organization asserted that these were against the growth of Nagaland University as a centre of excellence for the Nagas.
I failed to eliminate corruption: Gogoi Nagaland Post
GUWAHATI, MARCH 16 (IANS): Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi Thursday said not being able to eliminate corruption was his government's biggest failure but a change in the mindset of people towards development was its biggest success. "I must admit that the way I wanted corruption to stop has not taken place. But corruption during my five-year tenure has definitely come down quite drastically," Gogoi said.In the same vein, he said his government's biggest success was in bringing about rapid economic development in the state. "The mindset of people has changed and everybody wants to prosper and do something profitable. This in itself is a remarkable change and I consider this one of the biggest successes of my government," the chief minister told journalists here. Assam goes to the polls April 3 and April 10 to elect a 126-member legislature. Gogoi said the Congress party would harp on the theme of economic development in the next month's assembly elections.
"A forward-looking and development-oriented government is what we expect to give the people of Assam," he said. "If anybody wants to have a backward government then they may opt for the opposition." Exuding confidence that the ruling party would be able to form the next government, the chief minister said the main opposition Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) was a confused party. "Sometimes the AGP seeks the support of extreme right parties and sometimes they want the Left parties for an alliance. The AGP cannot come to power and we are winning at least 80 seats." Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress party president Sonia Gandhi are expected arrive in Assam later this month to bolster the ruling party's campaign. "Both the prime minister and Sonia Gandhi would be coming to the state for campaigning, besides some film stars and central ministers," Gogoi said. Dates for the high profile visits are yet to be finalised.
Karbi Anglong gears up for polls Correspondent Nagaland Post
DIPHU, MARCH 15 (NPN): The Karbi Anglong district administration is gearing up to conduct the polls on April 10 for the four Legislative Assembly constituencies (LAC) of the district - 17 Bokajan, 19 Diphu, 18 Howraghat, and 20 Baithalangso. A large number of polling officials will be pressed into service in the forthcoming Assembly elections apart from several reserve polling officers. This was conveyed to the press by Deputy Commissioner, Karbi Anglong, Jatin Gogoi during a press meet at his conference hall here Tuesday. The DC said the presiding and polling officials are already undergoing the first and second phases of training at various places in the district - Diphu, Bokajan, Howraghat, etc.
The third phase will also be conducted soon. The total number of voters in Karbi Anglong stands at 5, 496, 76 of which 1, 036, 92 are in Howraghat, 1, 61, 962 in Diphu, 1, 20, 692 in Bokajan, and 1, 63, 330 are in Baithalangso. The total number of service voters in the district is still not known. One presiding officer and three polling officers will be present in each of the 629 polling stations in the district. In Howraghat, the number of polling stations is 121, Diphu 182, and in Bokajan and Baithalangso, 138 and 188 respectively. One regional officer and sector officer have been appointed in each of the 11 zones and 134 sectors respectively.
The district administration and police department have requested the authorities for 22 additional companies of CRPF personnel for conducting free and fair poll in the district. The district administration has also requested the Election Commission for a helicopter for emergency cases. SP, Karbi Anglong, Anurag Tankha, who was also present at the press conference, said the polling stations of the district have been divided under four categories - safe, sensitive, very sensitive, and remote and sensitive. According to him, out of the 629 polling stations, 232 have been identified as safe, 232 as sensitive, 114 very sensitive, and 51 remote and sensitive.
The DC also informed that a large number of vehicles would be pressed into service apart from a number of trucks during the election. The DC said a total number of 330 electronic voting machines (EVMs) have been received for use in Howraghat and Diphu LAC out of which 303 EVMs will be used for polling purpose. He said 20 EVMs have been used for demonstration during the training of presiding and polling officers and won't be used during the polling. The DC also informed the press that 15 cells have been constituted to look after various poll related matters, while polling personnel will be adjusted as per requirement between Diphu and Bokajan. Election observer, Kushi Dorji, is to reach Diphu on March 17 to take stock of the election scenario and all relevant matters relating to the Assembly election. He will also conduct a meeting with the district administration and police officials during his stay in Diphu, the DC informed.
Nagaland Governor stresses prudent fiscal management Assam Tribune
KOHIMA, March 16 – Nagaland Governor Shyamal Datta today insisted on maintaining utmost discipline in the management of all financial transactions to ensure a prudent and efficient fiscal system in the State. Addressing the members on the opening day of the Budget session of the Assembly, the Governor said finances of the State during the current year were stable and the flow of funds to the executing departments had been made more systematic and regular. This had improved utilisation of funds and execution of schemes, reducing the tendency of clubbing of plan expenditure at the end of the financial year, and the prudent fiscal management was appreciated by the RBI governor during his visit to Nagaland in November 2005, he told the House.

Datta, however, cautioned that there should not be any complacency on the part of the government in maintaining utmost discipline in financial management. He also informed the House that the State witnessed an enhancement in credit-deposit ratio from 15 per cent in the year 2002-03 to 27 per cent during the year 2005-06. Similarly, introduction of VAT regime was expedited to reduce leakage of revenue and enhance resource mobilization, he said, adding efforts were underway to streamline the tax gathering system to attain efficiency and transparency.
He also appreciated the wisdom of the Centre and the NSCN (I-M) for extension of the cease-fire and efforts to find a peaceful settlement to the vexed Naga political conflict. He also lauded the decision of the Centre in upgrading the Naga peace talks to a political level by setting up a ministerial team for pursuing the peace process. Asserting that the Democratic Alliance of Nagaland Government stood committed to the on-going peace process and would spare no effort to help bring about an honourable settlement to the political problem, Datta commended the contributions being made by various NGOs, churches and civil society organizations to the cause of peace in the state.
“The overwhelming desire of the Naga people to live in lasting peace is the compelling force that has helped in achieving a measure of respite from violence,” the Governor asserted. – PTI
Huska’s Demand-Note March 17 Today's Editorial The Morung Express
Once again, the issue of collective responsibility has resurfaced into the open for the Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN) coalition government. Traditionalists who appreciate the British model of Cabinet government would indeed be shocked by the open criticism of the DAN government’s decision by its own coalition members most notably JD (U) MLA Huska Sumi in this case. While the convention of collective responsibility in essence means that coalition/cabinet members have to be prepared to defend cabinet decisions in public once they are reached in this case of Huska Sumi the very doctrine has been turned on its head.
While, someone holding onto a seat of power such as a minister may not be able to openly criticize the Chief Minister this latest missive from one of the DAN coalition partner should be a reminder that democracy also affords such criticism to be brought out into the open so that it is also a check on a policy or a decision with which there is some degree of disagreement. It is obvious that in the present situation, as a DAN coalition partner, the concerned MLA may be extremely sensitive to the impact of a government decision on the public especially among its constituents.
Criticism of each other has several positive implications as well and the present DAN government should not merely brush these asides but rather become sensitive to such opinion as brought out by Huska Sumi. If criticisms by allies lead to a maturing of the political process, thereby making the government more responsible to the electorate and not simply a formal responsibility to the legislature, then one should welcome it.
Although it has professed that ‘equi-closeness’ is to remain close with all factions, in practice, this has not happened. At the end of the day for both Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio and his predecessor SC Jamir, despite their good intention of remaining equi-close or equi-distant with the armed factions, both have not been able to apply their respective doctrine in letter and spirit. Even the State Government’s role as ‘facilitator’ is highly out of context and needs to be reassessed. And it is probably this failure of both the present NPF-led DAN government and the Opposition Congress party which has caused as much damage to the Naga unity bid that remains grounded till date. Huska Sumi, a veteran politician and himself a founding member of the DAN Alliance, is now demanding that the DAN government discard its policy of equi-closeness as well as immediate withdrawal of the 9 IRB from Chattisgargh. While one may question the motive of the senior MLA to raise these two points at this juncture, the merit of the issue itself raised by him calls for serious deliberation. This can hardly be sidestepped by the DAN government as both the issues have political implications for which Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio and the present government would have to answer to the people one way or the other come election time.
Assam: 'Talking about Talks' Italian newspaper RASSEGNA STAMPA SUD/ASIA

After two rounds of preparatory discussions between the ULFA-nominated consultative group and the government of India, Assam is no closer to the commencement of genuine talks. As elections loom in the state, different political groups jostle for advantage in a situation where human rights are regularly violated. The monotony of these terrible incidents means they are quickly forgotten. M S Prabhakara

Ever since the first, hesitant initiatives were taken in September 2005 to get some sort of a dialogue going between the government of India and the armed and proscribed separatist outfit, the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), there has been very little clarity on what the talks, or even the “talks about talks”, are supposed to achieve – allowing for the opaqueness and misdirection that surrounds all such initiatives. Such opaqueness was indeed a feature of the very initiation of this process.

Characteristically, ULFA is even now not directly in the picture. Rather, the present talks are being held, more accurately “facilitated” (part of the new jargon of negotiations with separatist groups, like “talks about talks”, “confidence building measures” and such), by an ULFA-nominated nine-member People’s Consultative Group (PCG) that moreover has two “convenors” over and above the nine. Their aim is to enable the eventual, perhaps direct, “real talks about talks” between the government of India and ULFA.

ULFA’s Objective There is little ambiguity over the stated, and ultimate objective of the ULFA – the attainment of a sovereign, independent Assam. Rather less clear is what the government of India expects to achieve in these talks. Its stand has been often spelt out: that the government will hold talks with any separatist/militant/insurgent/terrorist outfit provided these first abjure violence; and agree to situate their objective within the framework of the Constitution. In practice, however, there has been much flexibility, with the stated framework not always as rigidly defined as it is made out. Modifications have been made depending on the strength, durability and will of the opponent, as also on the perceived need to secure a settlement. This is evident both in the Kashmir talks and the talks with the National Socialist Council of Nagalim. It is to be seen whether such flexibility will also be evident when, eventually, direct talks are held with ULFA.

Ever since the organisation came into being over a quarter of a century ago, more or less conterminously with the onset of the Assam agitation on the issue of foreign nationals, ULFA’s objective has remained the same – the attainment of ‘Swadhin Asom’, a sovereign, independent Asom. To be more precise, ULFA’s objective, as it sees it, is to regain the lost sovereignty of Asom – the correct name of the land that got corrupted by getting anglicised into Assam following British colonial occupation and continued to be used under Indian colonial occupation.1

The sovereignty was lost way back in 1826 when, following British victory over Burma in the Anglo-Burmese war, which was preceded by the invasion and occupation of the land by Burma, Britain annexed the erstwhile kingdom of Assam, as part of its policy of extension and consolidation of its eastern frontiers. A little over a century and a half later, the armed struggle to regain that lost sovereignty began with the founding of ULFA in April 1979.

This reading of the events and circumstances of Assam’s loss of independence and the path being charted by ULFA to redeem it might not be quite accurate and also have elements of myth, fantasy and imagination. There are certainly other narratives and perspectives of this past, present and the future. However, in matters like this, imagination and belief are more important than so-called historical facts about which there has never been any agreement. What is more material is that a certain wistfulness and nostalgia over a past when Assam was a sovereign and independent political entity has been a persistent element in the imagination of the Assamese people. This is reflected in folk memories, literature, cultural and political polemics about identity assertion, links and relations vis-à-vis the rest of India with which, like every other constituent of the modern Indian state, Assam too has an ambiguous relation, a part and apart, an integral part as well as jealously asserting its unique identity.

Conditions for Talks ULFA has till now refused to come on board of any kind of negotiations until and unless the sovereignty issue is made part of the agenda. Thus, the constitution of the ULFA-nominated PCG, one of whose tasks is to persuade the government to include the issue of Assam’s sovereignty in the agenda for the talks, if and when they are held. During a mass rally organised by People’s Committee for Peace Initiative in Assam, described as a conglomeration of 2l organisations, in Guwahati on January 30, by when the PCG had been invited for the second round of talks, a resolution was adopted demanding any discussion that may eventually take place between the government of India and ULFA must focus on finding a “justice-oriented solution without compromising on the dignity of the people and the demand for the restoration of sovereignty to them”. The rally was addressed by many leading public figures and intellectuals of the state, as well as some PCG members and Mamoni Goswami, the Assamese writer and one of the two convenors of the PCG.

The sum total of the pursuance of this objective by ULFA through what it calls “armed struggle”, and the efforts of the government to suppress and defeat them by use of force, over the last quarter of a century has been the death and maiming and destruction of the homesteads of many thousands of persons, actively involved and entirely unimplicated in such enterprises, by the security forces and ULFA in confrontations that have received little national attention except of the most cursory kind. Barring ULFA which, despite tactical shifts, has remained firm in its objective, one is not sure if the administrative and political structures in the state and at the centre have any long-term perspective on the problem. Since ULFA became part of the security concerns of the state in the late 1980s, its anticipated violent interventions in the run-up to the official observances of the Independence Day and Republic Day lead to a flurry of “state-wide alerts” and such demonstrative gestures of strengthening of security. Few, least of all ULFA, take these seriously, for all these are forgotten when the appointed day passes. The economy of the state, despite the current appearance in urban and semi-urban enclaves of boom and prosperity in the midst of an unbelievably degraded broader environment contributed as much by the “reforms” of the early 1990s as by the large inflow of unaccounted liquid cash is marked by stagnation, though motions of vibrancy are generated by ad hoc interventions from the top, or harebrained agendas for investment, growth and diversification that seldom go beyond their initial, breathless articulation. It is unlikely that the current or eventual talks about talks will even consider such issues.

Howsoever, unrealistic ULFA’s articulation of ideas like the restoration of the lost sovereignty of Assam and its prosecution of this objective through armed struggle may seem to the people in the rest of India, including many Assamese people, it is also true that such ideas do generate sympathetic resonances in the state, even among those who are not persuaded either of their attainability or even their desirability, given the complex international environment. This is a new dynamic of Assamese society that was not prominent when the organisation took its birth. The reasons for such ambiguity – support to a cause that is in the final analysis is not really a desirable objective and may even be suicidal – are complex and are not anyway relevant to the context and substance of the present and prospective “talks about talks”.

The first meeting between the government of India and the PCG took place in Delhi on October 26 last year. The prime minister attended these talks. There were assurances that the government was willing to discuss all issues raised by ULFA, though there was no explicit reference to the issue of sovereignty.

Second Round The second meeting took place on February 7 this year. Though the date for the second meeting had apparently been decided and also conveyed to the facilitators well in advance, the actual announcement of the date was preceded by yet another demonstration across the state by ULFA of its capacity to strike at will, in the run up to the Republic Day ceremonies. Indeed, one of the facilitators explicitly said that ULFA had resorted to such violence because its leadership felt “insulted and frustrated” due to the centre’s delay in taking the peace process forward. In further demonstration of its resentment, incidents of violence continued even after the February 7 date was announced. In the event, when the actual date was announced in the midst of the violence, the impression was created that the government would only respond to coercion. The message seems to have gone home, considering the satisfaction expressed by PCG about the progress made in the second round of talks.

Though little has been revealed about the substance of these talks, one can draw some broad inferences, based on past experience of 1991-92 when ULFA, following the two military operations (Bajrang and Rhino), initiated on its own talks with the centre, an initiative that fizzled out with accusations of bad faith on both sides, and on the existing reality following the setbacks it has received after the Bhutan operations. Two communications sent by Arobindra Rajkhowa (that is how Arabinda Rajkhowa, itself an assumed name, spelt his name in those communications), then as now ULFA’s chairman, to prime minister Narasimha Rao on December 18, 1991 and January 1, 1992 encapsulated ULFA’s concerns and demands as they existed then: Immediate stoppage of army operations, withdrawal of all black laws like Armed Forces Special Powers Act, TADA, Disturbed Areas Act, as well as lifting of the ban on the organisation; and release of its leaders in prison in order to facilitate the adoption and endorsement of the conditions required by the government of India – the acceptance of a solution within the framework of the Constitution, abjuring of violence and the surrender of arms. However, those released by the government as required by ULFA promptly disappeared.

Core Demands The core demands reflected in the preconditions that ULFA then insisted on, especially suspension if not an end to army operations and release of its leaders and cadres in prison, remain the same. Apart from the release of five members of its central committee (vice chairman Pradip Gogoi, in prison in Guwahati in the middle of a prolonged trial, publicity secretary Mithinga Daimary, Ramu Mech, Arpan Saikia and founder adviser Bhimkanta Buragohain), ULFA is also now demanding the release, or at last to know the whereabouts, of several of its leaders and cadres, including Ashanta Bagphukan, Bening Rabha, Nilu Chakravarti, Abhijit Deka and Prakash Gogoi, the last news about whom was that they had all been captured by the army during the Bhutan operations. There are reports of at least 25 children of ULFA cadres, born in jails, still languishing in prison. There is also the question of the future of Golap Barua, another central committee member apparently still in custody in Bangladesh. At one point there were reports about persons known to be close to ULFA demanding that the government of India should facilitate Golap Barua’s release and return home.

The most important difference between then and now is that while 15 years ago there was a formal commitment (whose sincerity was suspect even then in official circles, that turned out to be justified) to strive for a solution to the issues raised by ULFA within the framework of the Constitution – pending of course endorsement by ULFA’s central executive committee many of whose members were then in prison – such a commitment is not there, not even for form’s sake, in the present situation.

What, then, are the prospects for the next round of talks? A clue can be had in the joint statement released on February 7, at the end of the second round. A sentence from the joint statement, as reported in the press, reads thus: “The Government of India has agreed to examine and initiate a series of confidence building measures with regard to instances of human rights violations and examine the issue of release of certain detainees in consultation with the state government.” However, the statement makes no reference to ULFA’s core demand – the suspension of army operations – much less to the government’s expectations that ULFA has to agree to situate its demands and grievances within the framework of the Constitution. Such issues may be taken up only when direct talks are held.

There is also the little matter of the forthcoming elections. Any progress or even the appearance of progress on such issues will surely help the ruling Congress Party, a key stakeholder in the ongoing process, though it has till now kept a low profile. This will not be the first time that political parties seeking to retain or regain office have played, or at least tried to play, the ULFA card, though the organisation itself loftily claims that it has in no manner intervened in the “Indian political process” and indeed wants no piece of it.

Despite this appearance of deadlock, if progress were to be made on the promise to “initiate a series of confidence building measures with regard to instances of human rights violations”, that would be a positive gain. Sovereignty can wait; what most people really want is peace. Indeed, even if the talks were to drag on, as they necessarily will since the issue is complex and near irresolvable, such an impasse too would be welcome if only peace were to prevail, if there were to be end to raids, arrests and disappearances, extortions and killings, violence and counter-violence.

Trigger-Happy Outbursts The problem is what are seen as instances of human rights violations are seen by the security forces as merely “unfortunate excesses”, inevitable and unavoidable in the course of legitimate anti-insurgency operations. When forces with a deeply entrenched security mindset operate in an environment about which they have no understanding, trigger-happy outbursts are bound to get more and more common. In one of the most bizarre instances of its kind, personnel of the Border Security Force recently went berserk at the Kamakhya temple in Guwahati because others in the line ahead of them objected to their trying to jump the queue to secure precedence in darshan.

Reports of less bizarre, but far more grim and tragic, incidents create a stir for a day or two and are forgotten, except when they involve victims in high profile areas, as in the recent army raid in Jeraigaon, the village near Chabua in Tinsukia district, home to many ULFA leaders including its army chief, Paresh Barua, that led to the blockade of NH-37 on January 31. The blockade was lifted only after the army handed over the two young men it had picked up to the state police. A few days later, in another incident in a village under the Kakopathar police station, also in Tinsukia district, a young man, Ajit Mahanta, supposedly a “ULFA linkman”, was picked up by the army authorities on the night of February 4-5 from his village home. A day later, he was dead.

The denouement of this incident is still being played out. A prolonged blockade of NH-37 turned violent on February 10, when the police opened fire on a crowd that had earlier attacked a police station, resulting in the death of eight civilians, apart from the lynching of a policeman. The resulting rage and statewide protests are yet to subside.

It is difficult to say what impact incidents like those in Kakopathar, whose origins are controversial and whose aftermath is unclear, will have on the peace process. Interestingly, while some of ULFA’s over-ground supporters (including some engaged as facilitators of the peace process) have demanded that the security forces should be withdrawn from the “affected areas”, ULFA has accused unnamed “vested interests” of provoking a confrontation in Kakopathar with a view to derailing the peace process, virtually endorsing the stand of chief minister Tarun Gogoi who has accused the opposition, Asom Gana Parishad of instigating the villagers to attack the police station, leading to the police firing and the deaths. “Those who are involved in provoking and instigating the people of Kakopathar to attack the police station do not want a political settlement to our problems and simply want to derail the peace process”, a statement issued by ULFA chairman Arobinda Rajkhowa said. Only one thing is clear: powerful lobbies pressing for the continuation of the talks are as active as those pressing for aborting the whole peace process.

Finally, there are varieties of state violence that provoke equally varied responses by way of popular mobilisation of rage. After all, such mobilisation has also to be sustained by the media which, despite all pretensions to the contrary, has its own agenda, especially in a highly politically charged environment as in Assam. Thus, one notes that between February 18 and February 25, two English dailies of Guwahati carried 24 photographs (including one of a well known artist “reliving on canvass the incidents at Kakopathar”) highlighting the mobilisation of rage. One also notes, in contrast, that the incident at Salakati Railway Station near Kokrajhar in the Bodoland Territorial Autonomous District area on December 23 last year in which three young men were shot dead by the Indian Reserve Battalion (IRB) during a fracas following an incident of alleged molestation of local girls in the train by the IRB personnel, one of whom also died in gunfire, is now little more than a speck of smouldering rage and memory among its victims.
Email: kamaroopi@rediffmail.com Notes 1 On February 28, 2006, the Congress government in Assam led by Tarun Gogoi decided to revert to the original name of 'Asom' for the state.

Elections : the theatre of the absurd — Dr Jyotsna Bhattacherjee Assam Tribune
In our country politics is a murky affair – and the election process more so. Some of the states, including our own, are going to polls next month – and the air is hotting up with back stage intrigues, mid-night parleys and closed door discussions. The political situation in the country appears to be extremely fluid at present and none knows for certain which party is going to get the majority of seats. In fact, discussions regarding Indian politics is like going round and round the mulberry bush – they make your head swing like a spinning top. It is such a fruitless and needless exercise – yet unavoidable.

Now that the elections are approaching fast, the leaders of diverse political parties are behaving like that proverbial cat on hot bricks. The theatre of the absurd has started. The leaders are apparently aware that none of the parties may gain absolute majority – and hence this feverish haste to forge alliance with like-minded, or even unlike-minded parties. Politics makes strange bed-fellows – and at the moment, the courtship between diverse parties is going on in right earnest. They are quick to decide on wedlock – and equally quick to call for a divorce.
All these friends-turns-foes and foes-turn-friends make us dizzy – and you have to keep a tally to remember who belongs to which party at the moment – they themselves may need it to remember their allegiance at the particular moment. They change parties as they change their dresses. Past friends are thrown away like an empty tube of toothpaste – and that is the name of the game. Small party units in various parts of the country are splitting into smaller units.
It is time to chase the party tickets – and those, denied ticket, may look for other parties. It is not patriotism, but self-interest which is in the forefront. Manipulation, bickering, buttering top leaders for the precious ticket, are going on in full swing. In various meetings they are emitting venom against their rivals and other parties. The ruling parties are blowing their own trumpets and opposition parties are up in arms against them. Their stumblings and mumblings are enough to see through them. They forget that living in glass houses, they can not throw stone at others – and can fool some people for some time, but not all the people all the time. Every party leader projects himself and his party as the best and capable of delivering the goods – and promises the voters the sun, moon and all the stars rolled together. But their loyalty is doubtful as they change the party if they don’t get the nomination. Aspirants for the national party tickets are shuttling betweens Assam and Delhi like shuttle cocks.
Indian voters have realised, through bitter experience of all these years, that whatever our leaders say, should not be taken as gospel truth. In fact, we have to take their utterances with a large tablespoon of salt. Of course, being what we are, there is the risk of our being swayed by oratory and the persuassive power of some of these accomplished charismatic leaders, who can take away the hind legs off a donkey. Often the voters get bewildered and heart starts ruling the head – specially when sacks of currency notes are opened before their bemused eyes.
The situation in our state is dismal and it is going to the polls at the backdrop of unfased violence and insurgency. Gun culture has become the order of the day and life has become awfully cheap. Discontentment all around has raised its ugly head. Prices of essential commodities have reached the sky. Bandhs, strikes, dharnas over any issue or non-issue have become usual events. The poor are getting poorer and rich are getting richer – and nothing positive has been done for the welfare of the people at large. Corruption at every level has been the accepted norm – and one has to spend money like water to get the simplest thing done in a government office. We all know that empty speeches and hollow promises are not enough to mitigate the suffering of the frustrated people – what is necessary is a will to fulfil the promises made. Our state, like others, is also buzzing with activities and infighting in various parties have been reported by the newspapers. Many leaders are facing dissidence from disgruntled party colleagues. It is difficult to make predictions at this stage.

The oldest and the most revered party of the past, the Congress has lost its ground – and it is no longer invincible. It has collapsed in quite a few states. It is sad – yet not at all surprising. Once the party was led by such venerable leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Nehru, Sardar Patel, Maulana Azad and other luminaries. But now that party with the glorious past can not boast of such great leaders. And a great party cannot really depend on a particular family, however illustrious that may be.
Some of the important parties of the past are sinking gradually. These all powerful parties are crumbling brick by brick and the present set of leaders themselves are apparently helping in the operation demolition, with their bickering, lack of leadership qualities, lust for money and power. Gone are the days when the country could boast of selfless, patriotic and strong leaders. The regional parties are also trying to forge alliance with other smaller parties. It is no use blinking facts – people are totally disenchanted with the political leaders. Insurgency, insecurity of life and property, corruption, lavish life style of the top brass and many other factors have turned away many of the staunch supporters of the parties and the leaders.
We hope that the election will be free and fair. But money power and muscle power play a big hand in these elections in our country. Rigging and booth-capturing have become the accepted mode of electioneering. That is democracy, as we understand the term in this country. Every party would naturally promise a corruption-free government – yet all of them are steeped in corruption up to their necks. They shed buckets of tears for the poor and the down-trodden, yet nothing positive has been done to alleviate poverty. Communal card is played at the drop of a hat – yet they claim to be secular. Our “netas”, superb “abhinetas” as they are, can beat the professional actors hollow with their histrionics. To hear them talk you would think them to be gilded saints without selfish thought in their heads. They have the skill to white wash their misdeeds and their cleverness is directed only to intrigues and manouverings.
We have no idea if any party would get absolute majority. That is why each party is desperately trying to forge alliance with friends or foes – without the least similarity in their views. Once Sir Winston Churchill remarked on Atlee government, “They are decided only to be undecided, resolved only to be irresolute, adamant for drift and powerful for impotance”. The statement can very well be applied to these fronts and alliances we see. They are often at loggerheads with one another – yet for political gain they are trying to forge such unnatural unity. The position of the Indian politicians can aptly be described by the remark made by some British Parliamentarian about the labour Cabinet Ministers – “The trouble with some of these big guns is that they are small calibre and big bores”.
For us it is a waiting game, perhaps we should cast our votes after thinking deeply. We do need people and that is a fact – whichever party they may belong to. Let us then hope for the best and keep our fingers crossed.

Nagalim.NL News

03/17/2006: "Naga students gain upper hand"