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02/13/2006: "De-merger plan on cards for Mon, Tuensang?"

De-merger plan on cards for Mon, Tuensang? Pinaki Bhattacharya The Moring Express
Prospects for lasting peace in Nagaland are threatened even before the government at New Delhi and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isaac-Muivah) reaches a settlement through the ongoing negotiations. People of the eastern districts of Mon and Tuensang are believed to be planning for a separation from a future Nagaland state. Instead they are expected to demand a union territory status or even for a full-scale statehood.
This will deal a body blow to the demand for full integration of the Naga inhabited areas of the northeastern region, made by the NSCN (I-M). Knowledgeable sources say that the members of the backward Konyak tribe who live in these districts are bent on severing their relations with a future political dispensation led by the Tangkhul tribe dominated NSCN (I-M). Mr Niengulo Krome, General Secretary of the Naga Hoho – largest and the most prominent non governmental organisation (NGO) of the Nagas – says: “Konyaks feel totally marginalized in the overt political arena by the Ao tribe and in ‘underground’ politics, by the Tangkhuls.”
Another element in this developing crisis is the Konyak identity of Mr SS Khaplang of the NSCN (Khaplang) group, who is based in south west Myanmar. Intelligence sources in Kohima say that they were driven out of these districts, bordering Myanmar in 2003 by the NSCN (I-M). But now they are back in the reckoning. They are also using the delay in reaching a settlement at the negotiations between the NSCN (I-M) and the Union government to their advantage.
These sources point out that the emotions are running high in neighbouring Manipur where the Meiteis are bent on resorting to violent protests if the Naga inhabited hilly areas of the state are separated and attached to a future Nagaland as demanded.
Knowledgeable sources thus say that the Union government will require a strong political will and a desire to bear stiff political costs to agree to the demands of the Nagas. A coalition government of the United Progressive Alliance may find it difficult to manage the apprehensions of its constituents and its allies, the left parties. Left parties like the CPI had won seats at the Manipur legislative assembly polls. And they may be unwilling to alienate the majority Meitei community of the state.
On the other hand, the main Opposition, the BJP will surely criticise any settlement reached by the UPA government on account of the integrity of India. These worries may be constraining the Manmohan Singh government from reaching a settlement. Even though the Nagas are clearly restive at the delay. (As reported in Mathrubhumi, a National Daily in Malyalam)
Lui-Ngai-Ni: One culture, one people The Morung Express
IMPHAL, FEB 12 (NNN): The Nagas are all set to celebrate the seed sowing festival, the Lui-Ngai-Ni at Ukhrul on February 15.This year’s Lui-Ngai-Ni will be celebrated under the theme “One Culture, One People”.
Elaborate arrangements have begun at the Tangkhul Naga Long ground, Ukhrul. Nagas from Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Nagaland, Manipur and even from Myanmar would conglomerate at Ukhrul for the celebration.
Manipur Outer Lok Sabha MP Mani Charenamei, United Naga Council president Puni Modoli and Assam Rifles’ Major General BS Ghotra will be the chief guest, president and guest of honour of the festival respectively.
Youth sensation of Manipur, Alvina Gonson will present the Lui-Ngai-Ni theme song during the inaugural function of the seed sowing festival.
Other features of the festival are lighting of the Lui-Ngai-Ni “Sacred Fire” followed by blowing of horn by Poumai Cultural Troupe.
Traditional hoeing will be performed by the Zeliangrong Cultural Troupe followed by invocation prayer by Rev.Fr.Somi Robert, Principal of Sacred Heart Higher Secondary School, Hundung. UNC president Puni Modoli will deliver a presidential speech followed by a folk dance by Tangkhul Cultural Troupe. UNC general secretary, Ajang Longmai will perform the presentation/introduction session followed by Tarao Cultural Troupe which will then be followed by a speech from guest of honour Maj.Gen.BS Ghotra. The Zeliangrong Cultural Troupe will then present a dance followed by a speech from Mani Charenamei, the chief guest of the function, followed by a dance from Mao Cultural Troupe. Benedictory prayer will be performed by Rev.Stephen Touthang. Poumai Cultural Troupe will perform the concluding dance followed by a vote of thanks speech from Tolham Maring, secretary of the UNC’s art and culture. In the evening, entertainment extravaganza will be displayed by the Naga artists. Miss Lui-Ngai-Ni contest, traditional fashion parades and talent shows will be part of the entertainment programme. Prior to all this, there are also colourful programme on the eve of the Lui-Ngai-Ni festival. Tangkhul Naga Long president, Ramthing Hungyo will deliver a welcome speech on the evening programme of the arrival day (February 14).
BJP demands all party meet on boundary issue
Itanagar | February 12, 2006 12:42:17 PM IST Webindia

The BJP in Arunachal has demanded the state government to convene a all party meeting for amicable settlement of the inter-state boundary dispute with Assam through constructive interactions and positive suggestions for the greater interest of the state. The party in a communiqué here today stated that the boundary disputes between Arunachal and Assam and with Nagaland were a long pending problems.
It further alleged that the state government's commitment for protecting its territory was questionable after recurring occurences of murder, land snatching, torture and harassment to the people living in the border areas besides the strong move for integration of Naga inhabited areas by the NSCN (IM). Referring to the Supreme Court ruling of February 10 last, which had given three weeks' time to the Centre for looking into the setting up of a boundary commission to resolve the border disputes between Assam, Arunachal and Nagaland, the party urged the state government not to take the issue lightly but initiate steps before some decision was taken by the Centre, that may be detrimental to the greater interest of the state. The BJP also urged the government to work out appropriate action plan and mechanism to deal with illegal Bangladeshi migrants pouring into the state before it was too late, the communiqué added.
ARMED GUILT The Telegraph
The army’s task in the North-east is not an easy one. It has to fight the armed insurgents and, at the same time, ensure that innocent civilians are not harassed. The tragedy in Assam’s Tinsukia district shows how difficult the balancing act can prove to be for the army and the state administration. The death of a farmer allegedly in the army’s custody has sparked a wave of popular protests that led to the killing of nine others in police firing. The actual facts of the alleged custodial death and its tragic consequence may still be somewhat unclear. But the government has enough reasons to be worried. This is not the first time that the army has been accused of human rights abuses in the North-east. Similar complaints keep surfacing periodically from Manipur and Nagaland. It is not that the army is unaware of the risks to civilians in the course of its counter-insurgency operations. It would be unfair to deny the crucial importance of the army’s role in protecting the rule of law and in securing the lives of common people in the region. However, the army cannot afford to be seen as lenient to its errant men who are found to be guilty of violating human rights. Ms Sonia Gandhi has, therefore, done the right thing in asking the defence minister, Mr Pranab Mukherjee, to ensure that the “guilty” armymen be punished. The chief minister, Mr Tarun Gogoi, must follow the example by ordering an inquiry into the police firing.
Tragic as the events were, they must not be seen as the end of the peace process in Assam. In fact, the biggest challenge that the events have thrown up to the peace-negotiators is to keep the dialogue alive. The people’s consultative group that the banned militant outfit, the United Liberation Front of Asom, has appointed to negotiate with New Delhi has to take the main initiative in this respect. It would be unfortunate if the group pulls out of the talks in response to the tragedy in Tinsukia. For the dialogue aims at a much larger goal and should not be the casualty of isolated incidents, however unhappy. Also, the group will not help the peace process if it uses the deaths to insist on the suspension of the counter-insurgency operations in Assam. It was realistic enough not to raise the issue during the recent talks with the Centre. In fact, both sides were anxious to avoid contentious issues in the larger interest of peace. The latest crisis has to be tackled in the same spirit of mutual understanding and accommodation.
Extension of Indo-Naga ceasefire for clinching a political solution By Yaronsho Ngalung Sangai Express article
The ceasefire has been extended for another six months w.e.f. 1st February 2006 after four days (28-31 January 2006) of heated and intensive discussions held at a Hotel in the Thai capital, Bangkok. The ceasefire extension has been greeted with appreciation from different political, socio-cultural and religious organisations across the globe. Some media have reported that the ceasefire has been extended only after the Government of India assured the Nagas that “positive steps” on substantive issues including politico-geographical integration of the Nagas would be taken within the extended timeframe. Both the parties in their “Joint Statement” issued on 31st January signed by Th. Muivah and K. Padmanabhaiah recognized that “as there has been insufficient progress in the talks it was decided to carry the political negotiations expeditiously forward taking new initiatives.” “It was also agreed to re-activate and make effective mechanisms to address all cease-fire issues including modifications of ground rules.” In order “for political negotiations to fructify, both the parties have also agreed to maintain a congenial atmosphere” in the coming days. It is natural that the Indian Government would be obviously happy and extremely delighted about the ceasefire extension. The Nagas have also welcomed cautiously the ceasefire extension considering the repeated ceasefire extension without any positive outcome. And yet it is difficult to say whe-ther the Nagas are really happy and delighted about the non-committal attitudes and the delaying tactics of the Indian Government in the past eight and half years. Moreover, sincerity, honesty and respect for their rights has never been experienced in their ‘political journey’ vis-à-vis the Indian Government. It is from this short background that this article intends to critically analyse the possibility and potentiality of the ceasefire extension leading towards either positively for clinching a political solution or for another dangerous firing bullets.
The ceasefire agreement was signed on 1st August 1997 after the Indian leadership realized Indo-Naga conflict as a political issue. We have seen and observed less of ups and more of downs so far. Doubts and apprehensions have crept into the minds of the proud and honest Naga people. Such doubts and apprehensions are formed which is not unusual in the context of the past historical experiences: Doubts on the seriousness and sincerity of the Indian Government, and apprehensions of a possibility of returning to a lethal and bloody war in the event of the Indian Government’s failure to take political steps. The failure to take a political decision would mean resuming the past measures of obnoxious military decision.
Some of the positive political aspects taken in the talks are like the official recognition of “the Unique History and Situation of the Nagas on 11th July 2002”, lifting the ban on the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) on 26th November 2002, relative decrease in lethal armed conflict between the Indian Army and the Naga Army etc. However, this decrease in armed conflict does not mean the Indian armed forces have not been killing the Naga nationalists as the figure clearly indicated that till 6th October 2005, 96 NSCN activists were killed in the past eight years. This is a clear violation of the ceasefire ground rules of 12th December 1997. This is not only an indicator of the downs in the peace process. The Indian Government even backtracked the Bangkok Agreement of 14th June 2001 by deleting three words “Without Territorial Limits” on 27th July 2001. The Indian Government succumbed to the ‘protest politics’ of the neighbouring community by giving excuses that the situation, if it does go out of control, would lead to political crisis. Succumbing to such an opposition has done great harm rather than strengthen the peace process. It created an unfriendly environment for the negotiating parties that subsequently delayed the talks. Continuation of the talks due to lackadaisical approach and lack of concrete policy mechanisms of the Indian Government on the substantive issues including the politico-geographical integration of the Nagas is a matter of concern for the people. It is because of the non-seriousness on the part of the Indian State to the given issues that Th. Muivah told the BBC World during an interview by Subir Bhaumik that, the Nagas would call off the ceasefire and go back to jungles if the GoI does not assure them of taking positive steps before 31st of January 2006.
On the question of the politico-geographical integration of the Nagas the Indian State has been taking a rather negative position. AB Vajpayee talks of consensus, Oscar Fernan-des talks of Parliament cannot force the states on integration issue etc. are nothing but political gimmick which are out of context even from the Indian Constitutional requirement. If such are the approaches being adopted by different Indian leadership, where is the possibility of locating their talks of seriousness and sincerity on the political issue? The question then is, is the GoI really engaging the Nagas to stage-manage a different kind of solution like the way it had done in the past? Or, is the GoI planning to resume its firing bullets against the Nagas’ principle stand about their inherent rights to decide the future for themselves? These are questions to be reckoned with.
The past eight and half years is not too short a period to have clinched some concrete political steps to arrive at a final solution. Now that the Nagas have explained the political history and root of the Indo-Naga politico-military conflict to the Indian negotiators and political leadership across the spectrum of parties, it would be highly superficial and dubious on the part of the GoI to make unexplainable excuses which are peculiar and typical in nature. The Indian State has never respected the rights of the Nagas since the conflict started, the very reason why the Nagas have been unceasingly seeking for justice without surrendering their inherent rights as the Nagas have come to realized that human rights of a people are not a commodity that can be sold in the market. For such act of defending the rights of a people, the Indian and the Burmese regimes have tried hard to crush through “Carrot and Stick” policy. However, history tells us succinctly that both the regimes failed miserably in their missions through “Stick” policy.
In the 90s, it was slowly and increasingly felt by Indian political leadership that the issue is none other than political for which many of them ruled out military measures as the right approach. This political realization, however slow, prompted the GoI to start sending feelers to reach out to the Nagas’ leadership. The current ceasefire has been signed only after the Indian leadership recognized the conflict as a political issue between two entities. But, after more than 50 rounds of political negotiations, the attitude of the GoI had not come out from the past-orientation of solving the issue within the box framework totally disregarding the rights of the Nagas and their aspirations. The long impasse in the political talks has been because of the Indian State’s policy of dilly-dallying the peace process. This is a policy impregnated with the military tactics of counter-insurgency. The ultimate State’s strategy would be eliminating the national spirit of the Nagas by pouring a huge “Carrot” packages into Nagalim. “Carrot” policy is always supplemented by “Stick” policy as it is evident from the joint Indo-US counter-insurgency exercise undertaken in Mizo-ram and other places. This exercise is basically undertaken to show to the world that movements including the Naga national movement had to be dealt firmly. This is sufficient proof of the Indian State’s preoccupied old mindset strategy of dealing with military measures against people-based movements. The “Carrot and Stick” policy compounded by insincerity and delaying tactics of the Indian Government has been the sole reasons why there has been no solution insight.
The Indian Government’s deliberate policy of buying more time had to employ manoeuvrability in handling the whole peace affairs. To this end the Indian State has successfully exploited the political currents of different nationalities and diverse ethnic groups in the North East in its ability to find some ‘pockets of opposition’. The recent past years have witnessed such emotional and immature political upsurge especially in the context of the Nagas’ ‘politico-peace journey’ with the Indian State. These nationalities and diverse ethnic groups have been, unconsciously or consciously, managed and exploited by the State to its advantage in engendering ‘pockets of opposition’. They have seemingly forgotten the “divide and rule” policy of the neo-colonial States in directing its oppositions, which, if they are unaware, would become the ultimate victims of the trap being laid. However, it is learnt through the decades that the politically conscious Nagas at any cost would avoid such “glory-hunting.” For the struggle of the Nagas has been and is not a temporal in its nature and meaning. The Indian State had explored almost all means and tactics to downplay the Nagas struggle for their right to self-determination. Nevertheless, the foundation of the Naga nationalism have been laid so strong in every blood, heart and mind of the people that it will be of fruitless efforts to play with bread, butter, wine, money, emotions and sentiments. The vision of the Nagas’ struggle is for long-term political engagement with GoI and the rest of the neighbouring communities. Towards this vision the Nagas have collectively embarked upon political dialogues with the Indian Government. The solution, therefore, must be found on the basis of nature of conflict without neglecting the empirical historical facts and its uniqueness.
It is noteworthy that the first Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, knew to himself the politico-historical and geographical setting of the Indian sub-continent without any fear and doubt. In his letter to the President of NNC, Nehru wrote on the future of the Nagas as follows: “It is obvious that the Naga territory in eastern Assam is too small to stand by itself, politically or economically. It lies between two huge countries, India and China…and part of it consists of rather backward people…it is not possible for the British Government to hold the Naga territory or part of it….They would be isolated there between India and China. Inevitably, this Naga territory must form part of India and of Assam with which it has developed such close association…” (The Collected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, Vol. 15, pp. 278-79). Such was the policy of the Indian Government for forcibly occupying the Naga territory. But, forcible occupation of the Naga territory on the assumption that Nagas were politically and economically backward is rather a policy which is unjustifiable because it would mean forced union devoid of consent and agreement. Nehru’s policy of occupation has given birth to an argument that once the British left Indian sub-continent, then the Naga territory automatically becomes the Indian Territory irrespective of the Nagas' wish and dreams. This shows that the theory of occupation was explicit, as Nehru’s letter is any indication, in the Indian Government’s policy vis-à-vis the Nagas. This was the root cause of the conflict. This historical truth is the main reason why the Na-gas are still resisting systems of both India and Burma. As such without addressing the root cause of the conflict, seeking solution through negotiations does not make any sense. On top of that some people tend to be easily swayed by the beautifully worded constitution to be the best lacunae for the problem. However, it is to be noted with care that before such a quick conclusion is advanced, one must not view the root cause of conflict as solvable only from the prism of the constitution. The right steps for both the parties are to take a concrete political step on the substantive issues. It is high time that the Indian Government initiate policy mechanism for integrating the Naga areas so that the political-peace journey between the two parties could move ahead for finding a solution. However, if the Indian Govt decides not to respect the rights of the Nagas, then it is crystal clear that lethal armed conflict would immediately resume as soon as the ceasefire extension is over.
An amazing tale of human rights and wrongs This article: http://news.scotsman.com/scotland.
AS he languishes in an Indian prison cell, David Ward can surely only reflect on the bizarre twists and turns of his life that led him to be incarcerated in Nagaland - a tiny mountainous region which has been officially closed to outsiders for nearly 50 years. The former public school boy from a wealthy Scots family, who became a London underworld gang leader, and then a human rights activist in India - or international terrorist depending who you believe - is now apparently on hunger strike in Dimapur jail, waiting to be brought to trial to face the charges ranged against him, including aiding and abetting separatist insurgency and not possessing valid travel documents. Officials are also considering charging him with opium smuggling, claiming he has become involved in Nagaland’s dangerous but lucrative drug trade. If convicted, the 41-year-old could spend the rest of his life in prison.
Geographically it’s not been a long journey for Ward, as he spent the first eight years of his life growing up in rarified air as the son of a Scots tea plantation owner in Nagaland’s neighbouring region of Assam. Physically and mentally, though, it’s been a tortous process from a life of privilege to one of crime, and now, as his supporters would have it, of redemption as a human rights activist. Ward is something of an engima - but is he a force for good or for evil, or just a rebel without a real cause?
Ward’s family of course believe the redemptive theory. Last week they began demanding action from the Foreign Office after Ward’s claims that he has been on hunger strike over allegations of maltreatment by Indian police. But even that has been thrown into doubt as the Foreign Office says according to their information he has not stopped eating at all. And the mystery surrounding his identity is growing even greater as it has emerged that he has an Irish passport, dragging the authorities in Ireland into his case as well. So who is the real David Ward?
From the very beginning, his life was going to be far more exotic than your average Scottish boy. Born in India in 1962 he was waited on hand and foot by servants until the age of eight when his life was transformed dramatically for the first time. He and his brother, Michael, were sent to a Benedictine boarding school at the priory at Carlekemp in North Berwick. The contrast between the freedom and warmth of his Indian home and this new cold, strictly-disciplined environment in 1970s Scotland was extreme. Instead of lush jungle and tea gardens, the young boy had the cold Forth and the Bass Rock. The stern discipline of the brown-cassocked friars came as a culture shock to a boy who was used to doing pretty much as he pleased.
And, whether or not it was the root cause of his future actions, that extremity was swiftly mirrored by David’s behaviour. He started to go off the rails. He repeatedly challenged the authority of the priory friars and ran away several times. Eventually he was expelled, but teachers at other schools to which he was transferred fared no better in controlling him, and he finally ended up in borstal. While his brother Michael moved south to become a respected musical composer in London, David’s migration saw him swiftly descend into a life of crime and notoriety. After living in Edinburgh for a while he moved to London where he allegedly set up his own gangland "firm" and gained a reputation for having a taste for extreme violence. In what was to become a pattern of his behaviour though, he was also volunteering for youth work in deprived estates and helping to teach disabled children to swim.
His criminal activities eventually caught up with him, however, and in the mid-1980s he was sentenced to five years in prison following a spate of break-ins in the Home Counties. He attempted a dramatic escape from a prison van but that just extended his sentence by three years. And it was while languishing in jail that his life took another dramatic twist. He started reading about the tribal people in Nagaland. As a privileged child he had known nothing about their plight while he lived in the neighbouring state of Assam. It shocked him to read that, while he enjoyed a life of luxury, thousands of people been killed, tortured or raped by the Indian Army since rebel forces in Nagaland began fighting for independence after they declared the country free from British rule in 1947. Their struggle for freedom apparently struck a chord. In 1989, while still in prison he set up Naga Vigil, a human rights campaign group aimed at freeing the people of Nagaland from oppression, and on release he embarked on his new role as a human rights activist with the zeal of a born-again Christian.
Together with fellow former inmate, Stephen Hillman, from Scunthorpe, who was also seemingly obsessed by this new cause, David Ward travelled to Nagaland. They entered the state illegally, posing as BBC journalists intent on making a television documentary in order to set up a human rights monitoring project. But their actions soon led them back into violence when several months later they were captured at an army road block and their driver was shot dead. This time they were incarcerated in an Indian jail, where they were said to have been subjected to endless torture including mock executions. The pair were held for a year, and were only freed when the then British Prime Minister John Major intervened during a visit to Delhi in February 1992. India then deported the pair to Britain.
But Ward returned to Nagaland - again without the correct paperwork, and this time apparently intent on building a new hospital and starting up a malaria programme, while also continuing his work monitoring human rights abuses. He eluded capture by the Indian authorities, but opinions of him began to vary wildly from national hero to self-serving womaniser. THEN in July this year he was finally caught again. The self-styled civil rights campaigner was arrested in the village of Noklak in Tuensange district, 200 miles east of the Nagaland capital of Kohima, northern India. Speaking at the time, a police official said: "Ward is believed to have sneaked into Nagaland in July last year, and several attempts made to arrest him turned futile as he was being backed by militants of the Naga National Council (NNC). "We almost nabbed him in the same Noklak village last year when locals, supported by militants, formed a human shield to resist his arrest. There would have been heavy casualties if we used force to capture him."
His brother Michael, a composer of musicals including The Far Pavilions, has stood by David throughout his ever-changing life, and is now trying to help free him from his latest capture. He says: "He had a very difficult time during the school years. The difference between us was that while I was head boy material, he was certainly victimised by teachers. What finally struck a chord with David was when he read about a Naga woman who was 19 and had been raped by an Indian army officer and then hanged herself. That’s what motivated him. "He is a reformed character. I hasten to add that if he was not, we would not be supporting him. He has been remarkable in his pursuit of Naga Vigil. Setting that up marked a turning point in his life from being essentially a selfish person to being a selfless person. "What drives him is his commitment to the Naga men, women and children who are being oppressed. It is his sense of injustice that no-one was doing anything for them."
Michael says his brother has told them he won’t comply with the Indian authorities’ desire to deport him until they retract the allegations that he is aiding and abetting terrorism and trafficking drugs. He has also been demanding dental treatment for two teeth which he says were knocked out by police. Their mother, who lives in Edinburgh, is also involved in fighting for Ward’s release. An intensely private woman, Michael says she supports him in his quest. "We are appealing to him to end his hunger strike and she would urge him to go along with the deportation. "But these are entirely false allegations. We think there may be more to this than meets the eye in terms of what David has uncovered out there, which was collusion between police and the Naga militia in drug trafficking. This is what they are trying to level at David but the reverse is the case.
"David has been hunted by the Burmese army and shot at by Naga separatists who he has also accused of human rights abuses." Michael maintains that David has been on hunger strike, which he planned to do for 56 days in protest at his treatment. "We can get letters through and verbal messages. He sounds buoyant in his letters, which helps my mother especially." Quoting excerpts from the last letter they received, he reads passages where his brother refers to "the constant treachery and betrayal" in Nagaland and how the opium trade he has uncovered "is only the tip of the iceberg". He also speaks of finding hundreds of murdered Naga people during his travels which have seen him cover 3000 miles and visit 118 villages. Susan King, the Australian-based Joint International Co-ordinator of Naga Vigil, also believes Ward is a force for good. "David is known to me as a humanitarian, not a terrorist. The unswerving aims of our organisation are to further international understanding of the Naga situation. It’s just such a great shame that a man whose intentions are so upright may be seen as a radical. It’s also tragic that the Naga peoples, have lost, albeit temporarily, someone who truly cares."
The Foreign Office disputes claims that Ward has been on hunger strike. A spokeswoman says: "We are not aware that he has been on hunger strike. He has been eating sporadically, I don’t know how often exactly, but he has been eating biscuits, bread and milk. "We understand that David Ward has an Irish passport and that his family have contacted the Irish Consulate to get assistance. The British Consulate is on stand-by. Discussions between the Irish authorities, ourselves and Mr Ward are ongoing." Ward himself believes his actions have "instilled a lot of hope in the Naga people" and made a difference because "the world now knows about Nagaland." Michael Ward add: "I want to see David back here and I would like to see Naga Vigil become a more official group with charitable status so he can continue his work without taking everything on himself like this." Whatever his fate and whatever his next incarnation, it is bound to be interesting.
The years of struggle for Naga independence
• Nagas are an indigenous race of about 3.5 million people and the Naga "nation" consists of about 42 tribes, each with its own language and dialects. • Nagalim is a mountainous country of about 50,000 sq miles which is bordered to the north by China, to the west by India, to the south by the Manipur Valley and to the east by the Chindwin river and Burma.
• Nagalim enjoyed independence until the attempted invasion by the British in 1832. After years of resistance, Britain occupied parts of the country while Nagas still controlled most of their land.
• On January 10, 1929 the British received the first written statement of Naga independence.
• Kohima, the capital, was the scene of some of the fiercest fighting of the Second World War, as Allied forces halted the Japanese advance towards India.
• On August 14, 1947 the Naga people through the Naga National Council (NNC) finally declared their independence from British rule - one day before India did the same. The move was never recognised by the Delhi government and there has been fighting in the region ever since.
• In 1951 the Naga people launched a resistance movement against India, and by 1956, 100,000 Indian soldiers had arrived to suppress it. Two years later the Indian Parliament passed the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, giving its army powers to arrest, search and seize without warrant and to shoot to kill on grounds of suspicion.
• Nagalim is now occupied by India and Burma. India has claim to nearly two thirds of the country and Burma the rest. Both countries have imposed a ban on the free movement of the Nagas across an artificial international boundary line set up in 1972.
• India does not allow foreigners to visit the Naga country unless they obtain a special "restricted area permit". Even Indian citizens are not allowed entry to Nagaland without a permit.
• Of the Indian portion, Nagalim is split into four states, including one called Nagaland, although the majority of the Naga population lives outside of this state. The Nagas under Burmese occupation have also been divided under two states.
• In 1982, the Naga peoples’ movement for human rights filed a case with the Supreme Court of India challenging the constitutional validity of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. After 15 years, the Supreme Court ruled to uphold the Act.
• After continuing guerilla war and resistance, a cease-fire declaration was signed in 1997. However that hasn’t prevented further violence by separatist Naga movements against India. This article: http://news.scotsman.com/scotland.
Nagaland boasts of over 360 orchid species: Report Morung Express News
KOHIMA: Nagaland can boast for over 360 Orchid species, according to the latest publication of the State Level Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan of Nagaland.
Orchids constitute a unique group of flowering plants in Nagaland. The exquisite beauty of flowers in colour and shape as well as the keeping quality of some of them have attracted for a lucrative business among commercial horticulturists, said the Action Plan brought out by the Department of forest, environment, ecology and wildlife, Government of Nagaland.
Nagaland, one of the hill states in north east India supports very rich and luxuriant vegetation. Concerning various kinds of flora, Nagaland is endowed with rich varieties of orchids occurring in almost all parts of the state.
The northeast including Nagaland is blessed with tropical to alpine humid forest with heavy rainfall and high humidity, which provide a suitable habitat for this unique natural heritage, the report said.
The report added that about 650 species of orchids grow in the northeast India.
All set for Naga fest Newmai News Network

Imphal, Feb 12: The Nagas are all set to celebrate the seed sowing festival, the Lui-Ngai-Ni at Ukhrul on February 15.This year`s Lui-Ngai-Ni will be celebrated under the theme `One Culture, One People`. Elaborate arrangements have begun at the Tangkhul Naga Long ground, Ukhrul. Nagas from Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Nagaland, Manipur and even from Myanmar will conglomerate at Ukhrul for the celebration.

Manipur Outer Lok Sabha MP Mani Charenamei, United Naga Council president Puni Modoli and Assam Rifles` Major General BS Ghotra will be the chief guest,president and guest of honour of the festival respectively. Youth sensation of Manipur Alvina Gonson will present the Lui-Ngai-Ni theme song during the inaugural function of the seed sowing festival.

Other features of the festival are lighting of the Lui-Ngai-Ni "Sacred Fire" followed by blowing of horn by Poumai Cultural Troupe.Traditional hoing will be perfomed by the Zeliangrong Cultural Troupe followed by invocation prayer by Rev.Fr.Somi Robert,Principal of Sacred Heart Higher Secondary School,Hundung.UNC president Puni Modoli will deliver a presidential speech followed by a folk dance by Tangkhul Cultural Troupe. UNC general secretary Ajang Longmai will then perform the presentation/introduction session followed by Tarao Cultural Troupe which will then be followed by a speech from guest of honour Maj.Gen.BS Ghotra.

The Zeliangrong Cultural Troupe will then present a dance followed by a speech from Mani Charenamei,the chief guest of the function followed by a dance from Mao Cultural Troupe.Benedictory prayer will be performed by Rev.Stephen Touthang. In the conclusion of the inaugural function, Poumai Cultural Troupe will perform a dance followed by a vote of thanks speech from Tolham Maring,secretary of the UNC`s art and culture.

In the evening right after the dinner entertainment extravagaza will be displayed by the Naga artists. Miss Lui-Ngai-Ni contest, tradional fashion parades and talent shows will be part of the entertainment programme. Prior to all this, there will also be a colourful programme on the eve of the Lui-Ngai-Ni festival. Tangkhul Naga Long president Ramthing Hungyo will deliver a welcome speech in the evening programme of the arrival day i.e. February 14.
ULFA appeals for peaceful Assam Bandh NET News Network
Guwahati, Feb 12: The proscribed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) on the eve of its 12 hour Assam Bandh on Feb 13 called against army atrocities in upper Assam’s Kakopathar and Chabua urged the people to maintain peace and discipline while observing the protest. The outfit’s C-in-C Paresh Baruah through a press release while condemning the killing of innocent people by security forces on Friday also cautioned everyone not to get swayed by anyone trying to instigate protesters in order to brand the democratic protest as violent. Meanwhile, concerned over the fate of the peace process against the backdrop of the ongoing police and Army actions in Assam's Kakopathar which left nine dead, mediator for ULFA talks Indira Goswami has taken up the matter with National Security Adviser MK Narayanan and requested him to immediately halt the operations.
Rattled by public furore, army today paid a compensation of rupees one lakh to the wife of Ajit Mahanta, whose death in army custody recently triggered violent protests in the area leading to nine deaths in police firing. GoC 4 Corps Lt Gen Arbind Sharma visited Mahanta's house and handed over a cheque of rupees one lakh, Rs 5000 in cash and assured her of another rupees one lakh. The General also assured her that the Army would give her a job, take care of the education of their two children and build their house.
Mahanta was picked up from Tirak village in Kakopathar area in Tinsukia district by the army last Sunday on suspicion of being an ULFA linkman. His body was recovered from a gunny bag in Assam Medical College Dibrugarh the next day. The army had earlier said Mahanta died when he was trying to escape from their custody. Meanwhile, in press conference, Assam minister Pradyut Bordoloi today held BJP and Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) responsible for Friday’s tragedy. The minister accused the parties of instigating the villagers of Kakopathar and Chabua.
Assam observes 12-hour shutdown against killings in Tinsukia district (ANI with inputs)
Tinsukia (Assam), Feb 13 (ANI): Normal life was affected in Assam on Monday as a 12-hour shutdown by the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and the All Assam Students Union (AASU) was called to protest against the killing of nine people in police firing on Friday in the State's Tinsukia district.
"There's complete shutdown in Assam today against the killings in Tinsukia and only private vehicles are moving," said Nayan Das, a local.
Shutdown will also be observed on Tuesday. Meanwhile, the remote Tinsukia district remained tensed for the fourth day following the killings in clashes between security forces and villagers who were protesting the death of a suspected cadre of ULFA in army custody.
The clash in which police opened fire on thousands of protesters erupted after a local villager picked up by the Army on suspicion of having militant links allegedly died in their custody. Among the victims were two paramilitary troopers lynched by the mob when police fired at the crowd.
The Bharatiya Janata Party and other Opposition political parties, besides several other influential tribal groups and tea community associations in the State, have lashed out at the Congress Government here for the chain of events following the alleged custodial death.
The ULFA has been fighting an armed insurgency since 1979 demanding freedom, accusing New Delhi of taking away the state's mineral resources and giving nothing in return.
However, in last few years, public sympathy for the ULFA has reduced mainly after the Independence Day bombing in Dhemaji district last year where 21 schoolchildren were killed. In total, more than 15,000 people have been killed since ULFA launched the revolt.
Friday's incidents come three days after a team representing the ULFA held talks with senior federal officials in New Delhi. Both sides agreed to push for peace to eventually enable the government to open direct talks with the rebel leaders. The government had also assured that it would look into complaints of human rights violations by security forces in the state.
Talks still possible, says Mamoni Assam Tribune
NEW DELHI, Feb 12 – Concerned over the fate of the peace process against the backdrop of the ongoing police and Army actions in Assam’s Kakopathar which left nine dead, mediator for ULFA talks Mamoni Raisom Goswami has taken up the matter with National Security Adviser MK Narayanan and requested him to immediately halt the operations. “I spoke to National Security Adviser M K Narayanan and he assured me that the Government is monitoring the situation very strongly,” Goswami told PTI here.

She said ULFA Commander-in-Chief Paresh Barua seemed positive about the outcome of the just held PCG-Government meeting but was “terribly agitated” when she spoke to him over phone yesterday.

“I spoke to Paresh Barua yesterday. He was happy in the morning...in the evening, he was terribly agitated,” she said. However she said there is still a possibility of direct talks between ULFA and the Centre after the ULFA-chosen People’s Consultative Group’s (PCG) meeting with the Government, likely to be held in March or April.

“There is a posibility of direct peace negotiation involving ULFA and the government after the next round of talks between PCG and the Centre,” the Jnanpeeth award winning author said adding that in coming days PCG will chalk out the modalities for next round of talks with the Centre.

“We are hoping that the next PCG-Centre talks will be the last round,” she said.

Goswami said Home Minister Shivraj Patil is likely to participate in the next round of PCG-Government meeting which will be held possibly in March. Replying to a question on whether an interlocutor should be appointed by Centre for ULFA talks, she said it is always better to have someone who understands the problem. On release of top ULFA leaders from various jails of Assam, she said “I personally feel that (Centre) they are going to release the leaders.”

World opens door to AFSPA, 1958 By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express
IMPHAL, Feb 12 : Having bagged the International Jury award and International Critic award at the just concluded Mumbai International Film Festival, the film, AFSPA, 1958 directed by Haobam Pawankumar which depicts the death of Thangjam Manorama and the subsequent public outcry and demand for revocation of the Act has been invited to take part in film festivals to be held at Canada, UK and Korea.
Talking to The Sangai Express, 29-year old Pawankumar who is studying in the final year of film direction and screenplay writing at the Satyajit Ray Film and Television Institute, Kolkata informed that his film has been invited for the film festivals to be held at Canada, UK and Korea.
The only son of Haobam Tarun and Haobam Ongbi Thiyam Ningol Romola Devi of Uripok Haobam Dewan Leikai, Pawankumar said that he got the inspiration of entering the world of film making seriously from his uncle and noted theatre personality Ratan Thiyam.
His mother is a younger sister of Ratan Thiyam.
When asked what he thinks were the main elements in his film that attracted the juries and the critics alike, the young director said it was the depiction of the true pictures of the event that took place along with a fitting narration.
Pawankumar informed that he got admission to Satyajit Ray Film and Television Institute in his sixth attempt.
From next month, he will work on a 30-minute long film on 35 mm format which would also serve as his project for the final year.
After that there would be no looking back and he would continue to make more films, he said with determination.
As a matter of fact, Pawankumar, who graduated from Mysore University and learnt videography from Asian Academy of Film and Television, Noida is not a stranger to accolades and award.
In 2000,, the film ‘14th Kangla’ directed by him for by him for UGC-CEC won the prize for the best programme on social science. He had also directed Urei and Laiphadibi for AVRC. Manipur University.
AFSPA, 1958 was produced by Bachaspatimayum Sanzu who is a journalist by profession.
Expressing happiness on winning the award, Sanzu informed that they brought out three films on the same theme but of different duration. 77-minute long AFSPA, 1958 was made into a full length documentary, the same film was translated into Finnish under the title Cry for Justice and another 15-minute long short film was made under the title Images and Voices.
The efforts being made by the Effective TV since 1992 has bore fruits, he said, adding that arrangements are being made to set up a visual archive. Sanzu said he would continue to bring out more meaningful films. The editor of the award wining film is one Sangkha from Kolkata and Saikhom Ratan was the cameraman

KCP claims hand in attack on scribe Reasons furnished for attack one sided, says EFM, AMWJU By Our Staff Reporter Sangai Express
IMPHAL, Feb 12 : Following the 48 hours deadline set by the Editors' Forum Manipur and All Manipur Working Journalists' Union to clarify for the attack on the general secretary of AMWJU, Ratan Luwangcha by unidentified gunmen at his Uripok Bachaspati Leikai on February 9 morning, the Kangleipak Communist Party has claimed responsibility for the attack.
A joint statement issued by the Editors' Forum, Manipur and All Manipur Working Journalists' Union today said that a statement issued by its publicity secretary Pibarel Mangang claimed responsibility for the attack on Ratan Luwangcha.
However as the statement issued by the outfit is deemed to be one sided, the scribes' bodies, during a meeting held today at the Press Club, decided to publish the KCP's statement along with the version of the injured scribe. The version of Ratan will be sought when his health improves, added the statement.
Ratan Luwangcha is currently undergoing treat- ment at Shija Hospitals and Research Centre, Langol.
The meeting also decided that the Editors' Forum and All Manipur Working Journalists' Union will continue to discuss the issue over the shooting of Ratan.
The scribes also condemned the manner in which Ratan was attacked despite an earlier clause which stated that before anyone or any organisation decides to take action against any journalist or a news organisation, the matter be first discussed at the level of the editor to work out a solution. If this fails then the matter may be brought to the notice of AMWJU or EFM, the clause had specifically laid down.
The manner in which the matter was not brought before the notice of the AMWJU and the EFM was unfortunate, added the statement.
Despite the decision taken by the EFM and AMWJU to earlier blank out all statements issued by the KCP until their internal issues are resolved, the meeting today decided to convey the claim of the outfit as it was an extraordinary matter, added the statement.
The newspaper houses in Imphal and local TV news network ISTV ceased publication and broadcasting of news on February 11 and 12 to protest the attack on Ratan.
A sit-in-protest was also held at Keishampat junction during the said 2 days. To extend solidarity to AMWJU, the Manipur Hills Journalists' Union, Churachandpur blacked out all the editorial comments of the newspaper affiliated to the Union on February 11 and also suspended publication on February 12.