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02/03/2006: "The niggling Naga problem"

The niggling Naga problem HindustanTimes.com » Editorial » Story
The Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) has extended its ceasefire by six months. Although New Delhi wanted the NSCN to put hostilities on hold at least for another year, under the circumstances even this short extension is preferable to trying to talk peace amidst violence. This brings hope for some sort of a peace settlement to what’s probably Asia’s longest running separatist movement. Provided, of course, the NSCN leadership becomes less inflexible in its negotiations with New Delhi.
When the Bangkok round of talks between the Isak-Muivah faction of the NSCN and New Delhi’s peace negotiators in December didn’t produce any breakthrough, the immediate concern was to maintain the status quo, leaving room for talks. The ceasefire first took effect in June 1997 when the rebels decided to explore the possibility of a settlement through dialogue. Not that New Delhi could ever seriously consider the NSCN’s demand for a ‘Greater Nagaland’ comprising Naga-inhabited areas of neighbouring Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. Apart from the fact that these states vehemently oppose the idea, such issues lie outside the country’s constitutional framework. Also, the mere suggestion of unifying the areas is enough to create unrest in the neighbouring states.
It’s unfortunate the NSCN always seemed to be in too much of a hurry to reject the government’s earlier offers, which included autonomous status for Nagaland under Article 244A. This would have given the state jurisdiction over all subjects except defence, foreign affairs, currency and communications. Instead, the NSCN is apparently keen on limited sovereignty, and for the Nagas to be recognised as an independent entity that could enter into a special federal arrangement with India. Such a rigid stand could only lead to the revival of insurgency elsewhere in Naga areas of Manipur, spreading more violence in the region.
Rio to miss date with MPs OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Kohima, Feb. 2: The chief minister, governor and Speaker of Nagaland will all be away in New Delhi when the parliamentary standing committee on home affairs visits the state capital tomorrow.
The MPs, including Sushma Swaraj, Sitaram Yechury and Tapir Gao, are scheduled to call on chief minister Neiphiu Rio at 7 pm. Sources said Rio is going to Delhi to meet Union home minister Shivraj Patil to follow up the ceasefire extension agreement signed between the Centre and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) on January 31.
However, Rio’s absence is being seen by many as an insult to the standing committee. It has definitely given the Congress an opportunity to lash out at the government. The party has already decided to take the government to task on the “deteriorating law and order” in the House, a senior leader said. The final agenda will be decided at the meeting of the Congress Legislature Party tomorrow morning.
A source in the chief minister’s office, however, said Rio’s visit to Delhi had been scheduled well in advance. Sources said Governor Shyamal Datta and Speaker Kiyanilie Peseyie will also be in Delhi when the MPs visit the state. Peseyie will meet Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee for an update on the recent expulsion of MPs.
The parliamentarians are also scheduled to interact with the chief secretary, the director-general of police, senior officials and all political parties to discuss the state’s security and infrastructure. The MPs will arrive here from Pasighat in Arunachal Pradesh and stay at Hotel Japfa. After the overnight halt, they will leave for moreh in Manipur.

Manipur Nagas cry revolt - Taxes to be paid to Delhi through Nagaland govt
OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Imphal, Feb. 1: A day after Delhi salvaged the Naga peace talks with a last-minute ceasefire extension with the NSCN (I-M), the powerful United Naga Council of Manipur today announced that it would start renaming villages and towns in the four Naga-dominated districts with traditional Naga names from February 15.
The UNC also decided that from now on, taxes paid by Nagas in Manipur would be paid to Delhi through the Nagaland government and not the Manipur government. The UNC’s decision is likely to provoke the Meiteis who have made it clear that they would not tolerate any attempt to break up the state.
The Naga organisation is set to announce new names given to four Naga-dominated districts of Manipur on February 15, which is observed as Lui-Ngaini Day, the biggest festival of the tribe.
“We will announce the traditional names of the districts of Chandel, Senapati, Ukhrul and Tamenglong during the Lui-Ngaini festival, which will be celebrated in Ukhrul on February 15. The names have already been finalised and the renaming would be confirmed on that day,” Puni Modoli, president of the UNC, told The Telegraph over phone from Senapati.
Renaming of the Naga-dominated districts, villages, land and hills, is a part of the non-cooperation movement launched by the UNC following a resolution taken at Taphou village of Senapati district on November 4. The non-co-operation movement is in support of the demand for Naga integration.
The movement includes non-payment of tax to the Manipur government, rejection of red blankets from the authorities and their development programmes in Naga-dominated districts.
“We have also completed collection of house taxes. According to the Taphou resolution, we will soon be paying the taxes to the Centre through the Nagaland government,” he said.
Naga village chiefs and elders refused to accept red blankets presented by government authorities in the four districts on the occasion of Republic Day. Those who accepted the red blankets in Imphal had also returned these to the government, the UNC president said.
Parliamentary team to visit Moreh From Sobhapati Samom Assam Tribune
IMPHAL, Feb 2 – Moreh, an important border town,110 km south of Imphal, has become the centre of activity since the past few weeks with a high profile parliamentary team scheduled to visit the town on February 4.

Thoudam Devendra,the second in command in the Ibobi Ministry along with the Commerce and Industries Minister N Mangi surveyed the various sites to be visited by the parliamentary team ahead of the proposed visit.

The Parliamentary team would also discuss matters on improving trade and commerce activities with district level as well as Moreh town officials at the convention hall of Moreh Trade Center. The parliamentary team will also visit newly converted central varsity Manipur University campus at Canchipur prior to their departure.
Terror grips Ukhrul, Dist Administration paralysed The Morung Express Achan Ramsan February 2

UKHRUL, (Mexn): Just as Ukhrul town, a district in Manipur reels at the manhandling of both the Ukhrul Deputy Commissioner and another employee by the henchmen of two sitting MLAs, terror struck Ukhrul in the wake of the indiscriminate firing by the security forces of the 13th Assam Rifles Town Post, located in the middle of the town at around 2.30 am yesterday morning, sending false alarm of Cease-Fire breakdown, even as the truce between the NSCN (IM) and the government of India was announced in the newspaper today.
Alarmed cadres of the NSCN (IM) are said to have donned full battle gears, ready for combat in view of the sudden unwarranted development.
Assam Rifles Jawans of the town post reportedly burst many rounds of ammunition from automatic rifles followed by sporadic firings, according to eye witness accounts. According to official source of the Assam Rifles the firings took place as a result of ‘mistaken identity’, inside the town post among the sentries themselves.
However, even as there was no civilian casualty, bullets riddled the roof ricocheting into and piercing a glass and steel plates of the house of ex-servicemen Lt/Hav Samson Tangkhul (Assam Regiment) along with the house of VS Thotngam of Rayotang locality near the town post. As the Assam Rifles authorities are quite reluctant to furnish any more detail leading to the ‘mistaken identity’, the rationale behind the action leading to the incident could not be established.
In response to the unwarranted incident, police filed a written intimation to furnish necessary information to the Assam Rifle’s concerned authority at 7.30 yesterday morning for due explanation but to no avail, according to police sources till filling of this report. But contradicting the police claim, Assam Rifles’ authority denied, saying that immediate intimation was given to the police head office but so far no written intimation could be availed.
According to unconfirmed report there was casualty on the part of the Assam Rifles as surmised from the reaching of an ambulance on the spot immediately after the incident, but nothing could be established as yet. But people staying near the town post said that some scuffles and cries of injury were heard from the site of the shooting.
While awaiting furnishing written details of the incident, an annoyed police officer said, ‘They (Assam Rifles) cannot do as they wish in the midst of the town in contravention of all norms, putting the lives of everyone at jeopardy’.
Meanwhile, manhandling of the Deputy Commissioner Mohonlal Meena, IAS by the men of A Aza, MLA of 45 Chingai constituency at the former residential bungalow and kicking of Phnitphang A Shatsang, UDC by Danny Shaiza, MLA of 44-Ukhrul constituency, both on 28 January last has been condemned in the strongest term in an emergency sitting of the Mini Secretariat Employees Association, Ukhrul held at Circuit House yesterday evening chaired by T Francis, SDC, according to a press release issued today. The meeting adopted resolutions condemning the two MLAs for failure to safeguard laws of the land as ‘very unfortunate’ and a ‘shameful thing’ on their parts. Subsequently, casework protest has been launched in the DC office for 3 days from today onwards, bringing the functioning of the office into a grinding halt.
The association has also appealed the government for ‘immediate stringent remedial measure to safeguard and protect the rights of government servant under law of the country’, according to the press handout. Joining the chorus of protest, the Public Grievances and Vigilance Forum(PGVF) has also appealed the government for amicable settlement of the ‘unfortunate confrontation’ which has ‘totally paralyzed’ the district administration and for ‘return of normalcy’ through mutual understanding, according to press handout signed by secretary of the organization SD Reisang.
According to concerned sources, the scuffle of the MLAs and the employees ensued as a result of a fight for quota distribution and allocation of the SEGP scheme. Consequently, the DC has left Ukhrul for Imphal, thereby pending the processing of the throngs of SEGP applicants which was supposed to be closed on 31 last.
NEW DELHI, OLD TACTICS The Statesman
Our blatant wooing of Kashmiris on the one hand while trampling on the aspirations of the Nagas on the other has been politically devastating for the country, writes JK DUTT
The last day of January witnessed a significant event in India’s domestic course namely, the extension of the ongoing ceasefire between our government and the Nagas by six months. A joint statement signed at Bangkok by both sides saved what was heading to become an explosive situation for the nation and that too with harmful repercussions. A discussion on the subject in a holistic manner would be rewarding, especially since the Naga issue has a direct bearing on our new thrust in foreign policy – going east. India has made good progress in one aspect of this policy namely, expanding its trade and commerce activities to the eastern region of Asia.
Saarc apart, India’s involvement in organisations such as BIMSTEC, Asean, JACIK, Kunming Initiative plus individual nation-to-nation connections with several Asian countries are gaining fillip by the day. But the biggest term of reference in this entire chain of actions is ensuring stability in India’s most important geo-strategic area namely, North East India.
Further, the primus inter pares here is the Naga problem. Unless this problem is satisfactorily resolved, India’s mammoth eastern thrust as a major component of globalisation will come to naught.
It would thus be worthwhile to assess the Naga issue and derive a rational solution.
The general secretary of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isaac-Muivah) faction, Thuingaleng Muivah, abruptly departed from India in late July last year, apparently fed up with the tardy progress of the peace process. His main point has always been that Nagas were in no way going to accept the jurisdiction of the Indian government legally, physically or politically in the course of resolving the age-old Naga problem that has prevailed since 1947. Both the top leaders of this faction namely, Isaac Chisi Swu and Mr Muivah were in India for the second time in as many years for continuing the peace talks. The talks that began with the previous government and have been steered to-date by New Delhi’s interlocutor and former home secretary K Padmanabhaiah, are of enduring significance to the whole of North East India because every single insurgent group operating in that region is keenly watching the progress of negotiations.
If the latter ends in success, then there is ample hope that the other insurgent groups will also decide to settle their disputes with the government in a peaceful manner.
This will pave the way for wholesale negation of insurgency in India’s most vital geo-political cum geo-economic segment. If, however, the talks with the NSCN (I-M) ultimately fail, the consequences are too disturbing to think of. The only lodestar for these talks is the fact that New Delhi has successfully resolved the long drawn conflict with the Bodo Liberation Tigers. Thus there is good enough reason for an analogy in the same vein. A brief insight into the Naga issue would be educative. The problem originated during the British days when the fiercely proud and independent-minded Nagas simply refused to be cowed down by India’s foreign rulers. Historians recount that the British could lord over every other warrior tribe of India of the time barring two, the Pathans of the northwest and the Nagas of the northeast. A Naga delegation also met the Simon Commission circa 1929 and an understanding was arrived at by which the British left the Nagas alone.
The real problem cropped up at the time of India’s independence. The charismatic Naga leader and a founder member of the Naga National Council (NNC), AZ Phizo, fell out with Jawaharlal Nehru solely due to wrong handling of the issue by New Delhi’s nascent ruling party.
Phizo demanded sovereign status for his fellow countrymen, something that Nehru refused to entertain. Inexplicably, New Delhi decided to apply military force on Phizo in place of cool-headed diplomacy. Compounding the political felony, the government erred in despatching the Indian Army to “quell” the Nagas (the Army is still there!) and followed up this extremely unwise step by unleashing the abhorrent Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 on them.
A socio-political matter was treated as a security-related one by New Delhi, a huge mistake for which we are suffering today.
Phizo moved off to England to carry on his struggle and insurgency gradually spread all over North East India as a consequence. The state of Nagaland as we know it was formed on 1December, 1963 with Kohima as its capital. The conflict with the government, however, continued unabated. An accord was signed at Shillong in 1975, largely owing to the untiring efforts of several of our mature political leaders but this accord was short-lived. 1980 saw the breaking away from the NNC of an influential group calling itself the National Socialist Council of Nagaland, only to be banned by the government. Eight years on, the NSCN split into two, the I-M faction and the Khaplang faction, the latter led by SS Khaplang. Yet this made no difference to the non-stop onslaught against the government with the Nagas procuring modern weapons to further vitalise their guerrilla tactics. Ultimately, genuine efforts made by successive Prime Ministers, including clandestine meetings abroad, brought about an officially declared ceasefire and subsequent lifting of the ban on the NSCN. In the meantime, several changes had taken place within the Naga set-up itself. Phizo had expired and his place was taken by his daughter Adinno Phizo at London who stuck to the sovereignty demand. The NSCN (I-M) and the NSCN (K) fell out on ideological differences. Other organisations like the Naga Ho Ho and the Church, too, threw their gauntlet in the ring. Not to miss an opportunity, political fuelling of the cauldron in the northeast by Bangladesh, Pakistan and Myanmar reached an all-time high.
The NSCN (I-M) went on to modify its original demand for independence with something more sinister. A fresh term, Nagalim was coined and this became the new objective. Nagalim translates to mean “a greater Nagaland”, which in turn defines an extended Nagaland state inclusive of those districts from the adjacent states where Nagas have been residing for generations.
Specifically, these comprised the districts of Changlang in Arunachal Pradesh, Karbi Anglong in Assam and four districts of Manipur namely Senapati, Ukhrul, Tamenglong and Chandel. The NSCN (I-M) desired that the ongoing ceasefire as applicable to Nagaland per se should equally apply to all the districts stated.
The government in its foolhardiness and as a suo motu move, decided to experiment with extension of the ceasefire in Manipur as a trial measure in June 2001. The outcome was a violent protest in Imphal the ferocity of which forced the Centre not only to rescind its thoughtless order of ceasefire extension but also impose President’s rule on Manipur.
New elections were held in that state but the wound and suspicion is yet to heal. This type of casuistry put governance in rank bad light.
It is also debatable whether the concept of Nagalim has the blanket approval of the other Naga factions. In fact, some questions have been raised on the NSCN (I-M)’s locus standi to speak on behalf of all Nagas. The I-M claims to be the largest of the Naga groups and avows that it does have the unqualified backing of all for Nagalim. An assessment shows that some Naga groups have resorted to fence-sitting, albeit with Ms Adinno occasional thrusts and parries for her Naga kingdom from her British hideout. She also conducts a running battle with Mr Swu and Mr Muivah while Mr Khaplang waits and watches.
The point is, what happens now? The Prime Minister has an arduous task on his hands and must be hard put to find an acceptable solution to the I-M’s publicised manifesto. Going along with the Nagalim herring will obviously be disastrous as Manipur has explicitly demonstrated.
It would, therefore, be prudent to reflect on the method that the British gainfully used on the Nagas – leave them alone with some special incentives. New Delhi can surely accord the same status to Nagaland as has been given to Jammu and Kashmir or for that matter to Darjeeling of late. A separate Article can be introduced in our Constitution for this. A move of this nature, tactfully executed, is bound to soothe bruised Naga sentiments. In fact, New Delhi should seriously consider some of the main points that emanated after discussions at Bangkok during May 2003. Our approach needs to be more psychology-oriented than anything else. The human psyche, especially in the case of the Nagas, has to be addressed through behavioural science techniques and not “hit-or-miss” tactics.
Additionally, New Delhi must get out of an old mindset and immediately start building good infrastructure for Nagaland’s all-round development that will provide adequate employment to Naga youth. Arranging the interaction of Nagas with the residents of other Indian states on a “meet-and-greet” basis will be another appropriate step in closing ranks. The Army and the unholy AFSP Act must be withdrawn from all Naga areas. Maximum autonomy must be afforded to Nagaland under an effective publicity campaign. The most crucial aspect of it all is to overtly undo the feeling of alienation that the Nagas have been harbouring since 1947. The incalculable hurt to their psyche as inflicted first by Nehru and maintained by his successors must be fully removed. Our blatant wooing of Kashmiris on the one hand while trampling on the aspirations of Nagas on the other has been politically devastating for the country. We need to appreciate that Nagas are an asset to our nation and we have to enfold this intrepid race into our mainstream without fear or rancour. Hopefully, saner gumption will prevail, giving way to a movement where India’s oldest insurgency will reform itself and Nagaland will become an abode of peace and prosperity. The ball is in New Delhi’s court.

(The author is Lieutenant-Colonel, retd, Indian Army.)
Manipur CM urged to trace missing persons from Nagaland New Kerala Imphal: The Manipur Truck Owners' Welfare Association and the Manipur Drivers' Welfare Association have urged Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh to ensure the rescue of two persons reported to be missing from Nagaland. The two associations informed that a truck driver and his 13-year-old nephew were missing since they entered Dimapur on their way to Imphal on January 24.
The truck was also not spotted after that day, the associations added. The two were from Yairipok in Thoubal district of Manipur. The owner of the truck had lodged a complaint at the Imphal police station in the regard.
First autonomous college in North East inaugurated New Kerala
Kohima: The Patkai Christian College (PCC), near Chumukedima in Dimapur district, was formally inaugurated as an autonomous college by Nagaland Governor Shyamal Datta yesterday.
The PCC is the first autonomous college in the entire NE region. The University Grants Commission has accorded autonomous status to the college for a period of six years, starting 2005-2006. The PCC now has the freedom to determine its own courses of study and syllabi, and restructure and redesign the courses to suit local need.

Speaking on the occasion, Mr Datta exhorted the college authorities to have a long term vision and a strategic focus to bring about changes in the society. He hoped that the PCC could become the barbinger of change in the region. Earlier, Dr Tuisem A Shishak, Principal Emeritus of the PCC, proposed the setting up of Margaret Shishak School of Music in the college, while Principal of the college Judson Rungsung highlighted the way the college had attained autonmy.
Straight Talk How about a Look North-East policy?
Zafar Sobhan Zafar Sobhan is Assistant Editor, The Daily Star.

Perhaps what we need in Bangladesh is a Look North-East policy. This would mean paying closer attention to the interests and concerns of the people in India's North-Eastern region when formulating domestic and external policy, and more importantly, re-imagining our relationship with India by looking at it through the prism of the North-East and not solely through the prism of New Delhi and Calcutta, as we tend to do now.
The North-East region of India has remained underdeveloped for two reasons, the principal one being the short-sightedness of the Indian central government, and its neglect of, if not outright hostility to, the legitimate aspirations and demands of the people of the region.
New Delhi has never shown this region any sensitivity with respect to its linguistic, religious, and cultural differences from the rest of India, and desire to maintain this differentiation, and has deliberately under-funded development and tried in an extremely heavy-handed manner to bring the North-East within the "mainstream" of the country.
In addition, New Delhi has always remained cool to the very practical solution of permitting Bangladesh to step in and fill the economic gap that the North-East's geographic distance from the rest of India has occasioned. But when it comes to the question of the underdevelopment of the North-East, Bangladesh is also culpable. The most obvious way in which Bangladesh has contributed to the continued stagnation of the North-East has been in our steadfast refusal to grant India transit rights through Bangladesh to the North-East.
One argument made in defense of this refusal is that it has helped protect Bangladesh's trade with the North-East. But the reality is that we have never really made any effort to develop a market for our goods in the region, and so there is not much to protect. The biggest victims of both the Indian and Bangladesh policies have been the inhabitants of the North-East, who are denied cheap goods from the rest of India due to the lack of transit rights, and are also denied cheap Bangladeshi goods due to a combination of India's protectionist trade policies and lack of any Bangladeshi efforts to develop this market.
The truth is that a cornerstone of the Bangladeshi policy on transit is that it does hurt India. That is the whole point. The idea is that by instituting a policy that does considerable damage to India, we can use this as leverage to get a better deal with respect to Indian policies that are harmful to Bangladeshi interests. The trouble with this formulation is that the Indians who are hurt by the policy are primarily those who reside in the North-East. This is the crux of the problem with respect to how we envision and deal with India.
When we think of India, we think of Calcutta and New Delhi, and not of the North-East. When we think of Bangladeshi policies harming Indian interests, the interests we have in mind are supercilious bureaucrats in New Delhi and rapacious businessmen in Calcutta. We don't think about the effect of our policies on the people who they actually effect the most, the long-suffering inhabitants of the North-East. The thing is that India and its regional dominance, economic, military, and cultural, and the fact that it surrounds Bangladesh on three sides and is often insensitive to our interests, has created a sense of vulnerability and inferiority in the minds of our policy-makers (and possibly the nation as a whole). It is this mind-set that contributes significantly to much of the tension we have in our relations with India. But if we didn't think of India as this monolithic "big brother" we would not be so quick to act in such a way as to harm the interests of the North-East, which in no way can be thought of as a "big brother" to Bangladesh. Essentially, the national mind-set with respect to India completely ignores the dynamics of our relationship with the North-East and lumps the North-Easterners in with the rest of the country, without giving much thought to the reality on the ground.
If we were to ever think of India in terms of the North-East, then we would see that our transit policy is actually contributing to the continuing underdevelopment of this backward region. We are not only keeping money out of the pockets of businessmen and bureaucrats from New Delhi and Calcutta, we are also contributing to the continuing impoverishment of the most neglected corner of India, one that we could have far better relations with than we do at present. It would be both in our own national self-interest and the interest of our neighbours in the North-East if the Bangladeshi attitude towards India were to take the North-East into consideration. In fact, such a realignment of thinking with respect to India could help us move the bilateral relationship to a more productive and cooperative footing.
What would this mean in practical terms? In practical terms it would mean recognizing, as Nagaland MLA Alok Jamir said to me, that for the North-East, it is Bangladesh who is the "big brother," and that a more fruitful relationship with the region and its people can be built if we acknowledge this reality and make policy decisions accordingly. In fact, the people of the North-East share many commonalities with Bangladesh in their view of New Delhi, and would welcome a more nuanced and mutually cooperative relationship with us. But this means that we would need to pay real attention to the concerns of the North-East, instead of permitting the region to get caught in the cross-fire (if you'll pardon the expression) of the tensions between Dhaka and New Delhi. This means paying serious attention to issues such as illegal migration from Bangladesh to the North-East. The policy of total denial on the part of the Bangladesh government is in response to the absurd allegation from New Delhi of 20 million illegal migrants, the apparent inability of New Delhi to tell the difference between economic migrants and "infiltrators," and the cynical exploitation of the issue by politicians to win votes.
But if we were to look beyond this and speak with North-Easterners, we would see that their fear of demographic domination is a very real one that we would do well to address. In fact, from transit, to insurgency, to border disputes, to water sharing, to smuggling, almost all of the issues that are irritants in the India-Bangladesh relationship might be addressed more productively than they are today if we were to approach the issue from a perspective that created space for the concerns of the North-East.
There is much more that we can do to nurture this relationship that would be of great benefit to us. One thing that North-Easterners consistently request that we might wish to consider cooperation on is a rail link between Akhaura and Agartala that would greatly diminish the cost of transporting goods to the region. Similarly, permitting the North-Eastern states to use Chittagong port as entry and exit point for goods would be tremendously beneficial to them, and of course, earn Bangladesh considerable revenue, too.
In fact, Bangladesh could consider realigning our economy to a certain extent to benefit from our proximity to the North-East and comparative advantage in certain sectors. We could set up industries, perhaps in Comilla, with an eye on the North-Eastern market, and we could think of more direct investment in the region, perhaps creating linkages with industries here. There is no good reason why commercial and cultural ties between Bangladesh and the North-East have remained so tenuous. Opening ourselves up to the North-East and extending an olive-branch of conciliation in that direction could reap enormous benefits to the Bangladesh economy. It would also create friendlier relations with our neighbours with whom we unfortunately have had few links with in the recent past. And it could help realign our problematic relationship with India as a whole. We might find that when we focus on the North-East, that many of our problems vis-a-vis India diminish considerably. Of course, we cannot simply side-step New-Delhi, but there is much to be gained from enhancing people-to-people contacts with the North-East, and dealing with the government at the state level to break down barriers and create understanding and opportunity on both sides of the border.
War on poverty launched Press Trust of India Bandlapalli | February 2 Prime Minister launches rural job guarantee programme
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress President Sonia Gandhi greets villagers during the inauguration of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Program at Bandlapalli, Andhra Pradesh, Thursday, Febuary 2. (AP Photo)
The much-touted rural job guarantee programme of the UPA Government was launched today across the country with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh formally kick starting it, saying it will give the impoverished a chance to live with dignity and self-respect.
Simultaneously the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA), which the Prime Minister described as the greatest achievement of the Congress-led Government at the Centre, saw the light of the day in 200 selected districts spread over 27 states. The entire country will be covered within four years. Singh, in his address, said though substantial progress has been made by the country, the problem of unemployment and poverty continued to haunt. “The founding fathers of our nation dreamt of a country which was free from poverty, hunger and unemployment. It is a serious concern that many people of the country still suffer from the age-old problems,” he said. Terming the programme as “historic”, the Prime Minister said his Government has fulfilled the promise made in the National Common Minimum Programme (NCMP). In her speech, UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi said the programme was “a new beginning” towards poverty eradication. The first-ever programme giving legal guarantee to a minimum of 100 days’ work in a financial year to each rural household envisages that the government is bound to provide jobs within 15 days of receiving an application or else pay an unemployment allowance to the applicant. Water conservation, watershed management, drought and flood-proofing, forestry, land development, rural connectivity and wasteland development will be done under the scheme. A path-breaking law, guaranteeing employment to rural households, the NREGA provides a social safety net for vulnerable groups and an opportunity to combine growth with equity.
New Delhi hatching ‘conspiracy’ ahead of talks says ULFA The Morung Express GUWAHATI, FEB 2 (AGENCIES): The outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) Thursday accused New Delhi of hatching a “conspiracy” by inviting a select group of people’s representatives for the February 7 peace talks.
“This is a big conspiracy by the Indian government to have secretly invited only a select group of the People’s Consultative Group (PCG) for the talks. There is nothing to be secretive as this is a formal meeting that needs to be transparent,” the ULFA said in its mouthpiece Swadhinata (Freedom).
The second round of peace talks between the ULFA-designated PCG, an 11-member team of civil society leaders, and government peace negotiators led by India’s National Security Adviser M.K. Narayanan is to be held in New Delhi next week Tuesday. The ULFA wants the entire 11 member PCG team to be invited for the negotiations next week. There is no independent confirmation from the government as to how many PCG members were invited for the talks. The ULFA chosen PCG is working towards preparing the ground for a bilateral ceasefire and direct talks between the rebel leadership and the government at a later stage. The first round of talks with the PCG and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was held in New Delhi October 26. Singh later said he was ready to discuss “all issues relating to the ULFA”.
The banned ULFA has asserted that it was not in favour of any secret talks with the central government but would like to hold it on a world platform like the United Nations. “Therefore, the ULFA is keen to hold the peace talks at the platform of the United Nations in front of the whole world and not behind closed doors”, the editorial said. “We are ready for direct talks with the Indian government in the presence of international community members and UN representatives,” the rebel statement added. “Our guns would fall silent automatically if there is a political solution to our problem. Just having a ceasefire would not help things.” The ULFA is a rebel group fighting for an independent Assamese homeland since 1979. The outfit also admitted that it had served a notice to the ONGC demanding Rs 500 crore as the people of the state had the right to demand money for the amount of natural resources the ONGC had taken away from the state over the years.
600 Scientists to discuss and sort out NE problems The Morung Express GUWAHATI, FEB 2 (NNN): About 600 scientists would discuss the problems of the northeast and put together their efforts to sort them out at the sprawling campus of Srimanta Sankardev Kalakshetra in the city during the four day session of the 11th All India People’ Science Congress (AIPSC).
Talking to the newsmen in Guwahati today, AIPSC president CP Narayanan said that the basic idea of holding the congress after every two years is to build a scientific temperament and popularize science among the common people.
The AIPSC has taken the shape of a movement over the years and this time our effort is to highlight the problems of the northeastern region, which is rich in several aspects, Narayanan said and added that a total of 20 states are taking part in the Congress.
The four-day deliberations of the Congress would take up various issues of the region taking from the education to communication to environment and others; he said and added that holding of the Congress in Guwahati would help finding solutions to several problems of the region. Our movement to create a scientific temperament and popularize science among the common people has reached to almost all the parts of the country and holding of the event here this year aims at strengthening the movement in Assam and the northeast further, he added.
Assam's unrelenting ULFA displays its hypocrite face By Sanjay Kumar
Guwahati, Feb.3 (ANI): The banned United Liberation Front of Asom or the ULFA unleashed violence through a series of grenade and bomb blasts across the state just before the Republic Day.
The attacks reflect the ULFA's hypocritic face as the peace talks between it and the Central Government are moving in the right direction. Their attacks provoked a strong sense of outrage among the Assamese.
The attacks were targeted in those places, which are important to the country's economy, as the state's refineries are located here.
In Guwahati, several blasts took place in a span of a week. Common people were the worst affected by these nefarious acts of the ULFA, which keeps targeting these installations. For almost two decades now it is these Assamese, who have been bleeding and receiving injuries at the hands of the ULFA, an outfit that claims to represent the interest of the Assamese society.
"What is happening is not right...and it shouldn't happen," said one of the injured.
The blasts come at a time when the center-initiated talks with the ULFA are still going on. The next rounds of talks are to be held just two weeks later with People's Consultative Group or the PCG, which consists of representatives from the civil society appointed by the ULFA. The ULFA has shown its complete outrage with the people of the state by attacking and blowing up gas pipelines and other economic installations.
Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi said: "Civil society today is fed up, nobody wants the state or the country to be disturbed. The disturbances lead to the backwardness of Assam, it creates an unemployment problem, so there is a realization that peace should come as early as possible."
The Assamese artistes who were in Delhi to take part in the Republic Day celebrations were horrified when they heard about the blasts. Such blasts are a cruel reminder of the Dhemaji blasts of 2004 during the Independence Day celebrations that claimed the lives of several school children.
"We have terrorist party ULFA. They have been disturbing us but in our country we don't like all these things. There must be unity in diversity. We don't like violence," said Nayandevi, one of the artists from Assam, who was in the capital to participate in Republic Day celebrations.
Another artist Debojit feels: "This is the business of terrorism.
They think that Assam should separate from India. But we are one. We all are Indian. We should all live together. We want to show to the world that we are not far behind the developed countries, that we do not lack anywhere. Through our Satriya dance and Bihu dance we want to take our culture forward."
It is this image of the state as a centre of a rich culture and tradition that is being aggressively promoted in the recent months. The holding of the Assamese Film Festival in Delhi recently was an attempt in this direction. Assam wants to portray a different image of the state but the ULFA through its violent acts negates these efforts.
"Everybody has come to realize this. We haven't gone forward for the last twenty years now and we are staying where we have been then only because of extremism," said Santwana Bordoloi, Assamese Film Director.
"It has affected our complete growth-economically and study wise also. We have been pushed back almost twenty and thirty years. Out here in Delhi we can see development. But just because of insurgency people are afraid of going there," says Pushkal, an Assamese professional in Delhi.
There is strong resentment among different class against the ULFA, which has hindered the state's development.
Rishi, an Assamese Student in AIIMS Delhi feels: "Of course an extremist group like the ULFA is already marginalized."
It was pressure from the Assamese society for normalcy and overwhelming sentiment against violence that forced the ULFA to send an eleven member People's Consultative Group (PCG) for talks with the Prime Minister last October. But through these blasts the ULFA is sending out mixed signals, which raise the question, whether it is serious about the talks as it claims.
ULFA is bent upon causing serious damage to the economy of the state. Recently it asked for a five hundred crore ransom from the Oil and Natural Gas Limited of the state. (ANI)
ULFA for peace talks on UN platform Sangai Express
Guwahati, Feb 2 : The banned ULFA has asserted that it was not in favour of any secret talks with the Central Government but would like to hold it on a world platform like the United Nations.
In an editorial published in the latest issue of its mouthpiece 'Swadhinata', the outfit has expressed doubts over the sincerity of the Centre regarding peace talks as it had invited only a few members of the Peoples' Consultative Group (PCG) for the forthcoming February seven dialogue.
“Therefore, the ULFA is keen to hold the peace talks at the platform of the United Nations in front of the whole world and not behind closed doors”, the editorial said.
The outfit alleged that Assam Governor Lt Gen (Retd) Ajai Singh did not understand the sentiment of the people of the State and was issuing irresponsible statements on the talks since the formation of the PCG.
The ULFA further alleged that the Governor was trying to destabilise the peace process with his comments and “was against the people of Assam as he had headed operations in the State since 1990 as an army officer.”
The outfit also admitted that it had served a notice to the ONGC demanding Rs 500 crore as the people of the State had the right to demand money for the amount of natural resources the ONGC had taken away from the State over the years. PTI
Irony of the situation Sangai Express
It is an irony but true nevertheless that the direction one should take to achieve that elusive word peace seems to mean different things to different people in Manipur and perhaps nothing demonstrates this better than the diametrically opposing view points adopted by the State Government and the Army authority over the cessation of hostilities with six Kuki underground outfits and the ZRA. Understandably Chief Minister O Ibobi was clearly peeved with the manner in which the cease fire between the Army and the said outfits was effected as it was done without taking the State Government into confidence. On the other hand, many social organisations, particularly those belonging to the Kuki and Zomi people see the stand of the State Government as being opposed to peace. Both sides have their own merit, but it is a little hard to digest that the State Government was kept in the dark when the truce pact came into force. In other words, can the Army be above the State Government in a democracy like India ? However noble the intention of the Army may have been, it would have been that much more better if only it had entrusted the task of effecting the truce to the State Government. The explanation given by the Army authority to the State Government over the cessation of hostilities is again indicative of the men in uniform exceeding their briefs. How did the Army think tank come under the impression that they can pave a way for a dialogue between the militant groups and the State Government ? Politics is best left to the professional politicians and the men in uniform who are here to help the civil administration should not meddle with such things as paving the way for a dialogue or anything of that sort.
The cease fire period has expired and only the coming days will tell us whether the cease fire is extended or not. However the important point that should not be overlooked in the next couple of days is to ensure that the State Government is not overlooked. Even the Army authority will agree that it makes no sense for it to declare a cease fire with the militant groups if the State forces are not going to adhere to the truce pact. On the part of the State Government, the issue should not be a question of one upmanship but about how to bring the armed groups to the negotiating table. A beginning has to be made somewhere and while the Army should be here to assist the civil administration and not meddle with such things as initiating a dialogue or something of that sort, the State Government can surely look for ways on how to suspend hostilities with the armed groups and engage them in a political dialogue. The moot point here is peace and while we do understand the sentiments of the Kuki and Zomi people, the stand of the State Government in opposing the cease fire between the said militant groups and the Army authority should be seen in its correct perspective for the simple reason that it is not the Army which is ruling the country or Manipur, but the duly elected Government.