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07/26/2005: "NPMHR Decries the continued Imposition of martial law on the Nagas"

The Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights issue this statement condemning the Government of India’s hypocritical attitude towards the Indo-Naga political process by once again unilaterally imposing the ‘Disturbed Areas Act’ (DAA) allowing its occupational army to create havoc in the Naga homeland through the ‘use of extra-ordinary force’ under its ‘sanctified’ Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). The state Government of Nagaland has also recommended the centre for non-extension of the DAA expressing the desire of the people. The Naga civil society organisations has time and again vehemently reiterated that the AFSPA should be repealed all together because it is violative of the ‘fundamental rights to life, liberty, equality, freedom of speech and expression, assemble peacefully, move freely, practice any profession, protection against arbitrary arrest and freedom of religion enshrined in Articles 21, 14, 19, 22 and 25 respectively of the Constitution of India besides breaching all major international covenants to which India is a signatory.
The continuation of ‘impunity’ and ‘arbitrary excesses’ committed under this draconian legislation has marred the non-violent image of India questioning her democratic credence. The many decades’ experiences of living under the Indian state militarization have caused immense damage to the
socio-economic, cultural and spiritual fabric of the Naga society. The perpetuation of this unjust system has divided the Naga homeland pushing the Nagas further into the cauldron of unending bloodbath today perpetuated by vested interests.
The Indian Government should explained to the people why a greenhorn Major identified as a certain Major Pushpender Mishra of the Indian Army (17th AR) tried to deliberately ignore and shield the errant army driver, whose near attempts on the life of the Chief Minister of Nagaland state Mr. Neiphiu Rio through reckless driving creating a public menace on the 18th July 2005 Near Zubza, dishonouring the Indian national flag and exhibiting disrespect to a popularly elected state leader. The Indian Army should retrospect on their roles in Naga homeland where they are openly flouting the so called “Ten Commandments” given by the Army Headquarters under the direction of Chief of Army Staff which in all ways diminishes their assertion as one of the most disciplined Army around the world. The blunt fact about the Indian Army is that no matter what it tries to do to clear its evil design, it cannot dispel its inherent attitude of an occupational force even though they try their most to ‘win the hearts and minds’ of the people through their divisive psychological warfare programmes. The recent molestation and brutalization of 24 women under the pretext of checking ‘contraband trafficking’ in Koide by Indian Army (4 AR) which led to the hospitalization of many women in
Senapati on 23rd July 2005 is a glaring instance of intrusion of military apparatus into the basic civilian sphere acting like marauder in lieu of providing security to the defenseless women.
All such instances of willful violations could not have taken place unless forthe deliberate imposition of the violent structure in the form of Armed Forces Special Powers Act by the Government of India. When the government of India has often times spelled out officially that military option is over, why the continuance of ‘Disturbed Areas Act’? A sustainable environment for peace and justice cannot emerge if the military structures such as the Disturbed Areas Act and AFSPA which promotes violence co-exist side by side with New Delhi’s commitment to a lasting peace.
Above all the recent comments of the Union Home minister Shivraj Patil indicating the incorporation of the ‘use of air cover for evacuating injured personnel and if necessary, for operation purposes’ in the region is a veiled threat which has to be taken seriously by the Nagas. The intensification of militarization in the Naga homeland in the post cease-fire period is very ominous to general public observing the ongoing political process between the Nagas and the Indian state. The adding of air power for instances such as the use of helicopter gunship or fighter planes for carpet bombing in many battlefronts around the world are indications of threat to use more force on a defenseless population.
If Government of India is genuine with its peace initiatives, all existing structures of violence should be dismantled and steer clear of double speak as a process of confidence building measures. The fear of anarchy ‘if Nagas are left to themselves’ is a reason too much of belittling the Nagas sense of dignity.

A ceasefire without a sincere commitment to find a long lasting political solution becomes meaningless. The deep anger and sense of injustice felt by Naga people for the continued denial of their dignity and the basic ‘rights to life’ cannot be redressed by the threat of violence and enduring
dehumanization. Only when the parties in conflict are able to see and understand together the ground realities from which the political dissent continues to permeate, can an amicable understanding emerge which is capable of breaking the cycles of violence and injustice leading towards a lasting settlement which upholds human rights and peace.

Nepuni Piku Secretary General NPMHR Secretariat.

KOHIMA, JUL 25 (EMN)

The Government of Manipur has today refused the requirement put forth by the Nagas that negotiations cannot be held in the Imphal valley even as reports of increased tension with the dominant community playing a psychological game.
All Naga Students’ Association Manipur (ANSAM) who is spearheading the current agitation in Manipur under the banner of the Naga Students’ Federation (NSF) today confirmed the receipt of a letter from the Manipur Chief Minister’s Office appreciating the student body’s communication, but fell short of meeting the condition put forth that talks cannot be held in Imphal. ANSAM had stated that any negotiations would have to be outside the Imphal valley, even outside the boundaries of the present state of Manipur. Observers feel the ANSAM condition is meant to give space to the Ibobi government as talking to the blockade spear-headers would amount to legitimacy in the eyes of the world. Government of Manipur and the innumerable Meitei fronts have consistently and systematically questioned the involvement of, what they called Nagaland NGOs, in the affairs of the state. Whereas, Nagas have made their point that the NSF or the Naga Hoho is the legitimate representative of all Nagas, irrespective of where they were bracketed currently. The letter written by the Personal Secretary to the Chief Minister, Vinod urged the ANSAM to allay of its concerns by agreeing to hold the meeting at Imphal. While no concrete response has been issued by the ANSAM, a definite answer is expected during its Federal Assembly scheduled on July 27 at Senapati. Meanwhile, tension is mounting in the valley as the common man has begun to issue indirect threats to the tribals, especially Nagas.
“It is really hard to talk to them (Meiteis),” informed a Naga, who preferred not to be named.
She said even rickshaw-pullers (most rickshaws are driven by Meiteis) have joined in such a move as all have been apparently hit by the crippling blockade the last 5 weeks.
There have been unconfirmed reports of vehicles having Nagaland state registration harassed by the police. Hundreds of people from Nagaland visit Imphal every week for business, medical and personal reasons. There have also been reports of counter blockades by the valley on goods from reaching the four Naga hills districts.
Government employees association of the Nagas is also understood to have met recently and resolved to take certain steps, details of which are not yet made available.

Ibobi rejects talks rider OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Imphal, July 25: Manipur chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh today rebuffed the Naga students’ organisation behind the highway blockade for a second time when it conveyed its willingness to consider a negotiated settlement, but added a rider to it. As on the previous occasion it had agreed to sit for negotiations, the All Naga Students’ Association of Manipur asked the government to organise a meeting at any venue other than Imphal on a date and time to be fixed by its leadership. The chief minister discussed the issue with his cabinet colleagues before responding. He said the organisation’s leadership was free to choose the date and time for the talks, but ruled out choosing a venue outside Imphal. The official stand was conveyed to the organisation this evening. Ibobi had done the same when the organisation had insisted that talks be held at the district headquarters of Senapati. Naga Lok Sabha member Mani Charenamei persuaded the student leadership to make a second offer, which they did last night through a faxed message to Binod S. Kispotta, secretary to the chief minister.
The Naga student organisation began the highway blockade on June 19 in protest against the government’s decision to declare the anniversary of the 2001 June uprising in the Manipur valley as “state integrity day”. Nagas perceive the government’s move as a challenge to their goal of integrating all Naga-inhabited areas of the Northeast. The 2001 uprising was against Delhi’s attempt to extend its ceasefire with the NSCN (I-M) beyond Nagaland.
With the NH 39 (Imphal-Kohima road) blocked by activists of the student organisation, Ibobi was banking on the NH 53 (Imphal-Silchar road) to function as an alternative supply route. But saboteurs destroyed a suspension bridge over the Irang river the very day the NH 53 was reopened to traffic after repairs by the Border Roads Task Force. The damaged bridge is expected to be reopened tomorrow. Over 100 trucks, including oil tankers, are stranded at Jiribam. An official source said security personnel had been deployed on all major bridges along the highway. The 60-metre-long bridge over the Irang river is 70 km from Imphal and located between Khongsang and Noney in Naga-dominated Tamenglong district.
Killing them softly
NORTHEAST ECHOES / PATRICIA MUKHIM
Among the multitude of problems that beset the Northeast are drug addiction and alcoholism. States like Nagaland, Mizoram and Manipur had legislated against production and sale of alcohol because families and societies were desperate and unable to deal with the consequences. Alcoholism was seen as a moral aberration instead of what it really is — a result of psycho-spiritual bankruptcy. Consequently churches in Nagaland and Mizoram compelled their respective governments to bring about the legislation without going into the ramifications of the aftermath.
Today, the youth of Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, parts of Assam and to some extent Tripura are battling the crisis of drug addiction and alcoholism. Drug addiction and its immediate consequence — HIV-AIDS has become a major social problem. The NGOs of national and international fame are making interventions by way of studying the extent of the problem and methods of tackling them. AIDS has claimed several thousand lives in the region. Drug overdose and alcoholism claim as many victims every year. So acute is the problem that some NGOs have had to implement harm-reduction programmes such as the supply of free syringes and condoms to addicts in order to curb the chances of sexually transmitted diseases from proliferating. Drug or substance abuse is associated with heightened sexual behaviour or promiscuity. Studies have shown that HIV-AIDS is transmitted in the region primarily through sexual intercourse and intravenous drug use. India’s northeastern frontier borders the Golden Triangle of Myanmar, Thailand and Laos where the drug trade is unbridled. Drugs such as cocaine, heroin and marijuana find easy entry into states adjoining Myanmar — Mizoram, Nagaland and Manipur. Druglords work in close connivance with terrorist and insurgent groups within the region that are not averse to trafficking narcotic substances in exchange of weapons and money. An article that appeared in Outlook (July 25, 2005) under the caption Narco Hiccough should set the alarm bells ringing. The Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB)’s Ahmedabad zonal unit has charged a leading pharmaceutical company based in Gujarat with smuggling Phensedyl, a potent cough syrup and a drug of choice for most addicts who cannot afford the more sophisticated substances, to West Bengal, the Northeast and Bangladesh. The national sales manager of a division of the company in Ahmedabad was booked under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (NDPS) Act. He was arrested on grounds of diverting codeine, a narcotic drug contained in Phensydyl for non-medicinal use. In simple words, this amounts to drug peddling.
All along, we were under the impression that drugs were coming in from the eastern boundaries of India and were being trafficked to the rest of this country. Now the story is something else. The NCB recently seized 400,000 bottles of Phensedyl containing 80 kg of codeine while it was being smuggled across the Indo-Bangladesh border. According to the NCB, the arrested sales manager had diverted more than 3 crore bottles containing 6,000 kg of codeine to the northeastern region in the last three years. Interestingly, of the total 4-4.5 crore bottles produced by the company, approximately 3-3.5 crore Phensedyl bottles are sold in the Northeast. The government of Bangladesh registered its protest with the Indian government asking it to stop the smuggling of Phensedyl. Myanmar has banned it completely. So now the Phensedyl that comes to the Northeast will be consumed within the region itself. It is quite common to find Phensedyl bottles with high school students in this region. At the chemist’s Phensedyl is sold at Rs 35 - Rs38 per bottle. Smuggled Phensedyl costs as high as Rs 140 per bottle. What is disheartening is that the drug inspectors in all the states hardly do their work sincerely. Corruption in the health department further compounds the problem.
Another fairly inexpensive drug is Spasmoproxyvon, an effective anti-spasmodic if taken under a doctor’s prescription but is fatal if taken in excess. Initially drug users take this capsule orally. When it ceases to take effect they inject the medicine intravenously which causes ugly looking abscesses if the conditions are not exactly sterile. Addicts have to be hospitalised for the abscess to heal and to avoid other complications, such as septicaemia. Rehabilitation of drug addicts and alcoholics is a very time-consuming process. Both ailments drain the economy because young people who should be most active and productive are rendered ineffective and end up as a burden on their parents and guardians.
Since society is unable to deal with the violence and trauma that drug addiction brings, most parents plead with the police to take their wards into custody, even though addiction is not a crime. In fact the initial response of the state to drug addiction was to punish addicts as if they were lawbreakers. Only recently has the problem been identified as one that requires long-term counselling and family support. Unfortunately, most families disown their errant children because the cost of rehabilitation is too high in terms of money as well as mental, emotional and physical efforts. Having a drug addict in the family can be emotionally draining. Moreover, families are not counselled on how to deal with the problem. Most parts of the Northeast grow marijuana. This substance is sold in tonnes from the Saikul areas of Senapati district of Manipur where the process of harvesting, drying and putting the leaves in sheaves has become a cottage industry. Since the activity is done openly, the government cannot claim ignorance. In fact, sale of marijuana is the main source of livelihood for many in the Northeast. Unfortunately, the state has not been able to do much because it has not been able to provide alternative means of subsistence to villagers.
The task of the Narcotics Control Bureau and the hundreds of NGOs who are grappling with the problems of addiction, rehabilitation and reinstatement in the larger society, is further exacerbated by attempts of drug companies, to make the Northeast their favoured destination. Some may argue that like in the case of other consumables, the law of demand and supply applies. Some companies will therefore be looking for a good clientele. Sadly, their clients are young school and college students who are hardly aware about the addictive properties of drugs like codeine. All of them take it the first time only to “feel good” because they are under peer pressure. Before long they become hooked on to the drug until it becomes too late to break the habit. Though the problem of addiction is one that cuts across all seven states, it is unfortunate that no attempts have been made by state governments to sit together and form a collective strategy. Obviously, one state cannot be strict with peddlers and drug companies when other states seem unconcerned. While NGOs working in the area of substance abuse and HIV-AIDS within the region do come together from time to time to pool their efforts, seeking effective intervention, most government agencies do not know how to handle the situation. No wonder the problem is not improving . In this regard, the combined efforts of government and civil society is a must. Unless this happens, many young and fruitful minds will die an early death. Drugs kill softly. No one makes a noise when an addict breathes his last. Society has no tears to shed for addicts. Sadness and tears only flow from the hearts of other addicts in a rehab institution and, of course, the immediate family. How long can this insensitivity carry on? Further, the government cannot abdicate its duties on the plea that NGOs are doing the work. The state has a fundamental duty to provide healthcare, which includes counselling and rehabilitation to substance abusers. Above all, the state has to identify and seal the routes of illicit trafficking of narcotic substances.
North-East in flames again By Vinod Vedi - Syndicate Features Asian Tribune This time it is the turn of the Nagas in Manipur to set the place on fire. The last time the ethnic Manipuris put torch to government buildings when it became known that the Indian representative in talks with T.Muivah-Isak Swu of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN-IM) appeared to put “Greater Nagaland” on the agenda. Clearly the NSCN (IM) is flexing its muscles by unleashing the Naga students on a rampage on the conclusion of the current tenure of the ceasefire at the end of July. It was this factor – the extension by the Centre of the ceasefire in 2001 to segments inhabited by Nagas in neighbouring Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur—that elicited strong reactions in and around Manipur. It is this factor of competitive ethnic hostility that underscores the dangers of any suggestion of a fresh partition in this particularly sensitive sector of India. In this context too the demand by the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) to talk “sovereignty” with New Delhi is fraught with the danger of explosive resistance in the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural mosaic that is the North-East. Within the “Nagalim” movement itself, there is murderous division between the I-M group and the Khaplang group. The latter has a larger constituency across the border in Myanmar and could well be a reflection of this division that Muivah in interviews in Delhi appeared to concentrate his attention to the Naga diaspora within the three contiguous “Seven Sisters” without putting too much stress on the cross border component of Nagalim. Khaplang is and that is the reason why even as the ceasefire between the Government and I-M had held till the first week of July there was genocidal conflict between the two factions of the NSCN.

The demand of the Khaplang group is for inclusion in the talks which, because its tribal affinities straddle the Indo-Myanmarese border has international ramifications New Delhi would not like to stir up because Rangoon has been sensitive to Indian problems and has co-operated in uprooting training camps and sanctuaries of militants on its territory. Talk of Naga unity in the face of what is essentially a tribal divide does not, therefore, make for a solid phalanx for a common goal of independence for the Naga people. The just-completed series of talks between the Government and the NSCN (I-M) also contain seeds of intractability. While the IM appears to be willing to accede to what has become the standard formulation for ‘greater autonomy’ – that currency, external affairs, defence and communications will remain with the Central Government at Delhi there are other clauses that tend to make future relations very tenuous indeed. The ambiance of the Concurrent List concerning the environment, education, forests, etc shows that what the NSCN wants is to have as little to do with India as possible. Perhaps the most significant clause in the IM demand is that while India will be bound down to assist if Nagalim is threatened by an external enemy whereas no such concomitant responsibility lies with the future State. The NSCN (I-M) apparently realises that the list of its demands are such that they would tend to unravel the whole skein of Indian nationhood and, therefore, will not be acceptable to the Government and that is why it has decided to apply strong-arm tactics by inciting the Naga youth to resort to rioting in those segments of Manipur where they are in significant numbers virtually on the eve of a decision on the future of the ceasefire. The stated provocation is the State Government’s decision to observe 18 June – the day in 2001 when nearly a score of Manipuris were shot dead for protesting the Centre’s decision to extend the ceasefire to the Naga-majority segments of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh – as “State Integrity Day”. The All Naga Students Association of Manipur has been blockading National Highway 39 since 22 June when last-minute efforts were underway to move the Centre-NSCN talks from apparent deadlock.

The timing of the O. Ibobi Singh government’s decision can be faulted because it does tend to shut the door on any move towards Nagalim and the NSCN would have interpreted it as such though it has denied that it has had a hand in inciting the blockade by the students. Its assertion that it cannot be a silent spectator to any repression unleashed on the students is an indicator of things to come. Yet, even as the IM is trying to give the impression that the Naga tribes are united in their demand for Nagalim there are straws in the wind that point to an absence of cohesion in Naga ranks. For example, the lukewarm manner in which the Konyaks of the Mon district treated the concept during their general body meeting in May. Attempts at integrating the tribes have also been hamstrung by age-old hostilities like the attempt to relocate Thungkuls on Sema lands with the blessings of Isak Swu himself, who is a Sema. Muivah on his part has been giving the impression in interviews and talk shows that he understands the limitations of “sovereignty” in the modern day and age but the list of demands he has endorsed has within it all the elements of separation built into it. It is an early manifestation of the shape of things to come and both “Integrity Day” and the blockade are such sensitive issues that a spark could unleash a bloodbath.

The imposition of curfew in the Naga dominated areas in Manipur will tend to exacerbate the hardships imposed by the blockade. The uncertainty over the state of the ceasefire agreement which lapses at the end of July also accentuates the volatile nature of situation. Given the fact that the IM has enjoyed an element of international support for its cause as is underscored by the self-imposed exile of its two leaders (in Amsterdam) it remains to be seen what effect events in London on 7/7 could have on a movement that appear on the verge of relaunching an armed insurrection in support of its demands. If the insistence remains that the ceasefire can be extended only if it covers all Naga-inhabited areas it will put the fat in the fire once again just as it did in 2001. It has been mentioned that Muivah has acquired the mein of a seasoned diplomat yet if he does not insist on it he could appear in the eyes of his own supporters of diluting the demand for Nagalim. As it is the muted responses to questions on territory in Myanmar also tends to undercut the concept of “Greater Nagaland”. Clearly, it is a case of tactical retreat and a negotiating posture to appear not to insist on so delicate a subject at this juncture. - Syndicate Features –
Govt replies Imphal should be talks venue, assures security for ANSAM representatives The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Jul 25: Responding to the condition laid down by the ANSAM that talks on the ongoing economic blockade should be held outside Imphal, the state government has reiterated that the talks should be held at the state’s capital. The SPF spokesman, Gaikhangam, briefing mediapersons following a meeting of the state Cabinet at the chief minister’s bungalow this evening, said the Cabinet has decided to request the agitating student body at Imphal, being the state’s capital. Allaying any apprehension on the part of the ANSAM over the venue, Gaikhangam said the state government would provide security and create a conducive atmosphere for the talks. It may be mentioned, the agitating ANSAM had responded positively yesterday to the Manipur government invitation for talks, but insisted that the Manipur government should create a conducive atmosphere to pave the way for the talks. The ANSAM in its faxed response to what was the state government’s fourth invitation for parleys on the ongoing blockade also stated “the ANSAM will still appreciate that the talks with the government of Manipur should be held outside Imphal or even outside the state of Manipur.”

In the meantime, the state Cabinet in its meeting today also discussed the development of NH-150 from Imphal to Jiribam via Taithu in Churachandpur as an alternative lifeline for the state, and agreed that it should be given top priority. However, for want of vital information which are yet to be ascertained, discussion on the minute details of the proposed project has been deferred till the next Cabinet meeting. Among other agenda, the Cabinet has also agreed to set up a dedicated police station which will be assigned to aid in more effective revenue collection in the power department. The dedicated police station will deal primarily with power bill defaulters, power thefts, and other cases relating to power. The Cabinet has also given its approval for filling up 12 posts of specialists, particularly paediatricians and gynaecologists in the state health department, according to Gaikhangam.
Mr :Whatever blunders may have been committed in the past the CM shd now stand firm. Negotiations must be held on his term. ANSAM's sly policy of trying to legitimise their disintegration call by asking for talks outside manipur must be read in the same context as when the NCSN tried to legitimise their claims on this state by extending the ceasefire here. The ANSAM is now on weak ground because their blockade policy is not going to work. Claiming that their actions are against the govt & not against the people of the state does not wash with us, it is the people who suffered from the blockade. Also note that the policies of the NSCN(im)have done a 180 degree turn around from claiming to be freedom fighters to backstabbing their neighbours in collaboration with the GOI.
What we want to hear now from our CM is policies like an open & secure NH53, policies for a green revolution & self reliance. Let us all benefit from this experience & emerge stronger.

NORTHEAST STUDENTS PROTEST RALLY IN DELHI James Ruolngul

New Delhi, 25th July 2005: The Northeast students in Delhi under the aegis of the North East Students’ Joint Action Committee (NESJAC) on Monday, 25th July 2005 staged a protest rally in Delhi. The NESJAC was formed on 10th June 2005 in the wake of increasing rape cases of Northeast girls, and the manifestation of communal and racist tendencies targeting the people of the Northeast working and studying in Delhi. The protesters started their march from Mandi House at 2-00 PM and proceeded towards Parliament Street. More than 2000 students from various student communities of Northeast India joined the demonstration to voice their concern and protest against the derogatory treatments, imposition of dress codes, sexual discriminations, harassments and molestations, lackadaisical commitment of government officials to follow up cases and complaints of the Northeast people, and callous attitudes meted out to them by the people in Delhi.
Some of the placards the demonstrators carried during the rally shouts - “Dress code? Under whose Constitution”, “Delhi – Rape Capital of the World”, “Where are the Rapists? Everywhere except in Jail!”, “When will dialing 100 be of use?”
At Parliament Street, PA Sangma and North East MPs addressed the crowd, affirming their support to the causes of the student community. Enormous cheers were heard when various students’ organisations gave speeches to the rally-goers. The demonstration ended with a Cultural Show “The Silent Voices” by the Hmar Students’ Association (HSA) depicting the helpless plights of the Northeastern students, the hard-bitten attitudes of the people of Delhi and the indifferences of the Government towards them. A memorandum was also submitted to the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh highlighting the plights of the Northeast students and requesting his immediate intervention to protect the rights and privileges of the Northeast people. The memorandum can be downloaded here:
http://www.hmar.net/pdf/NESJAC_Memorandum.pdf

ANSAM yet to formulate response The Imphal Free Press

Dimapur, Jul 25: The agitating All Naga Students' Association, Manipur (ANSAM) has received a message from Manipur government this afternoon with regard to yesterday's letter sent to the state government by the student body. The ANSAM spokesman told Newmai News Network that the government had requested the student body to come to Imphal for talks. However,the government had told the student body that they (ANSAM) could fix date and time for talks according to the ANSAM's conveniences. Ngachonmi Chamroy said that they were yet to finalise to respond to the latest state government's letter. He said a thorough meeting would take place to discuss the matter and then the outcome of the meeting would be intimated to the Manipur government. The ANSAM spokesman said that he was not in the condition to predict as to when they can take the decision in this regard.

On the other hand, the ANSAM was furious over reports in the national and local newspapers filed by Imphal based correspondents that life-saving medicines and press materials had run out in Manipur due to the ANSAM economic blockade. ANSAM said today that they had long exempted the press materials and medicines carrying transporters. The ANSAM said that the reports in the national/local dailies were too much, maintaining they "had exempted the transporters carying press materials and the medicines but if the Imphal based reporters filed stories that ANSAM blockade had disturbed the functioning of the press/media and medical services, they would impose blockade anew on these transporters carrying press materials and medicines. The ANSAM accused The Hindu correspondent, Imphal of filing wrong stories that ANSAM was willing to meet only the state Governor but not the chief minister.

Holiday declaration should not be revoked: Orgns The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Jul 25: The declaration of June 18 as state holiday should not be revoked at any cost and Manipur’s territorial integrity will not be compromised even if ANSAM and NSCN-IM continue with the economic blockade for another 1000 years. This was jointly expressed by IPSA, HERICOUN and UPF in a joint press conference held at the office of HERICOUN today. These different civil society organisations came together to unitedly stand against the ongoing economic blockade with its hidden agenda. They put across that ANSAM’s economic blockade is carried out under a political mission and the hidden agenda of greater Nagaland demand is getting clearer by the day. The three organisations were represented by H Ibotombi (president) and E Johnson (secretary general) of IPSA; L Ratankumar (secretary head quarter) and Babloo Laishram (secretary organisation) of HERICOUN; and Y Devdutta (president), Y K Dhiren (secretary general) and Kh Ratan (ex-president) of UPF.

Addressing the media persons, Y K Dhiren said that with due respect to the aspirations of the people for unity among the civil society organisations in this crucial time, IPSA, HERICOUN and UPF is coming together to work for the common interest of the people. He also appealed other organisations, including meira paibis, to unite at this critical juncture against ANSAM’s indefinite economic blockade and the move to disintegrate Manipur which is supported by different organisations outside Manipur, including NSCN-IM. E Johnson, stating that the declaration of June 18 as a state holiday is a very appropriate and reasonable step, said that the sacrifices made on June 18 was not for a particular community but for entire Manipur. He further said that if the holiday is revoked it will mean surrendering to the demand of NSCN-IM and would raise doubts among the people that the Manipur government might be hand in glove in breaking up Manipur. He also asked whether the 18 patriots would be considered as criminals if the holiday is revoked. L Ratankumar categorically stated that those who are against the declaration of holiday are against the territorial integrity of Manipur.

Reiterating that it is clear to all that the present blockade is the brainchild of some section of Naga population, he pointed out that the only solution would be for the Naga brethren to end the blockade in the interest of the people. He charged the Naga political leaders who signed for Naga integration as traitors. He further said that full support was extended and will be extended to the cultural and political aspirations of the Naga people. Advocating that the amicable solutions to the problems and grievances of Manipur can always be worked out by bringing people together, Devdutta said that resorting to measures that directly affect the people, leading them to the edge of starvation, in order to meet one’s demands is an act or aggression. He made a request to the people to downplay communalism and not to resort to counter blockade steps. H Ibotombi endorsed that holiday cannot be revoked and Manipur’s territorial integrity cannot be changed. He further stated that UPF, IPSA and HERICOUN will collectively campaign for communal harmony among the people of Manipur. Stating that it is crystal clear to all as to who is behind ANSAM, Babloo Laishram asserted that Manipur’s territorial integrity will never be compromised to ANSAM or NSCN-IM even if the economic blockade is continued for 1000 more years. He said that Manipur’s more than 2000 years old history should be respected by the Naga’s 50 years old history. He alleged that NSCN-IM was once a brave group but is now steeped with Naga chauvinism. Strongly condemning the statement made by MP Charenamei yesterday, calling June 18 as Black Day, the three organisations said that Charenamei can be booked under NSA for his communal views. They advised him not forget that he represents outer Manipur and not a particular community alone. KH Ratan informed that earlier IPSA, HERICOUN and UPF met the chief minister and apprised him about the united stand on the holiday issue. On the question of talk with ANSAM, the CM expressed that as a state leader talks should be held within the protocol of government and ruled out holding talk outside Imphal.
athisethics :Congratulations, naga leaders, stand firm on your ground, we shall overcome the hegemony of the meetei colonialists. KUKNALIM

Disturbed Areas Act extension opposed Assam Tribune
KOHIMA, July 25 – A human-rights organisation here has opposed any move by the Centre to extend the Disturbed Areas Act for another year in Nagaland despite the State Government’s assertion of discontinuing it in view of the relatively peaceful situation in the state. The Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR), which has also taken strong exception to imposition of Armed Forces (Special Power) Act (AFSPA), said it was opposed to any ‘unilateral’ decision by the Centre about extending the Act in the state. “We observe that New Delhi should have respect for the views and opinions of both people and the State Government before taking such a decision,” NPMHR secretary-general Nipuni Piku said. The Central Government “did not give attention to the wishes of the Naga people, who have been campaigning against such draconian acts”, he said, referring to reports that the Centre earlier decided to extend the Act. The Disturbed Area Act has its genesis to Naga underground movement when it was clamped in mid-50s as large-scale violence erupted in erstwhile Naga Hills district of Assam. The Act has been lifted and reimposed earlier in the state. The current spell of the Act came into effect in 1993 when violence erupted in the state.

The Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN) government had opined that the it should be lifted after its expiry due to improved law and order situation in the state.

Declare June 18 as Black Day: Charenamai From Sobhapati Samom Assam Tribune
IMPHAL, July 25 – Outer Parliamentary Constituency MP Mani Charenamai has asserted that June 18 should be declared as “Black Day” instead of “Integrity Day” in Manipur as it was on this day that the national flag and the highest seat of democracy in the state, the Manipur Legislative Assembly, were burnt down on this day. For more than a month now, the state of Manipur has been held at ransom by the ongoing imbroglio between the state government and the agitating All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM) over the declaration of June 18 as Integrity Day and made a state holiday in memory of 18 persons who lost their lives to safeguard the territorial integrity of Manipur in June 2001 uprising sparked off by the extension of the ceasefire between the NSCN-IM and the Government of India “beyond territorial limits”.
ANSAM had launched a non-cooperation movement and enforced economic blockade on the two lifelines of the state – the highways urging for the revocation of the declaration. Talking to mediapersons at his Nagaram residence yesterday, the MP informed that ANSAM and the State Government are likely to hold talks to resolve the indefinite economic blockade impasse within the next couple of days. Disclosing that ANSAM has indicated its willingness to hold talks to end the impasse, Charenamai said that following the request of Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh, he has met both the parties so that an amicable solution acceptable to both the parties may be worked out. Although a definite date has not been fixed for the talks, a conducive atmosphere has been created and the talks are likely to take place soon. Burning of the national flag and the State Assembly, and assault on the Speaker and MLAs were reason enough to take up legal action against the perpetrators, but instead the Manipur government has kept in mind the interests of a particular section of the population alone and not that of the rest, he charged. Asserting that it was a wrong decision on the part of the government to declare June 18 as a state holiday, he questioned whether the government would also declare July 8 in which some IRB personnel assaulted blockade supporters at Senapati Bazar and the blasting of Irang bridge by ANSAM supporters on June 20 last also as state holidays if the Nagas start demanding. The government has already announced August 4 as Integrity Day earlier, the MP pointed out, and added that the commemoration of June 18 under different names like “The Great June Uprising Day” and “Unity Day” by some organizations not only adds to the confusion but also indicates that there is no consensus over the declaration of the day as Integrity Day. On the signing of the memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister by Naga MPs and MLAs of Manipur endorsing integration of Naga-inhabited areas under one administrative unit, he said that he had put his signature in the interest of his people.
Naga students ready to talk on blockade The Hindu
Imphal, July 25.(PTI): The All Naga Students Association Manipur (ANSAM), which has launched an indefinite 'economic blockade' on National Highway 39 in Senapati district since June 22, has agreed to hold talks with the state government to settle the issue. ANSAM's president Paul Langhu has sent a letter to Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh accepting the government's invitation for talks, sources in the students' body said. Sources said the government should create a conducive atmosphere for the talks and refused to elaborate further.
Official sources said the government had received the letter from the ANSAM agreeing to hold talks and added that the government was yet to give them (ANSAM) a reply. They said ANSAM had put some conditions including the holding of talks outside Manipur and added that the government would study the letter carefully before taking any decision. ANSAM has launched the agitation in protest against government decision to declare June 18 a holiday to observe 'state integrity day.'
Disturbed Areas Act extension opposed Meanwhile, a human-rights organisation based at Kohima has opposed any move by the Centre to extend the 'Disturbed Areas Act' for another year despite Nagaland's assertion of discontinuing it in view of the relatively peaceful situation in the state. The Naga People's Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR), which has also taken strong exception to imposition of Armed Forces (Special Power) Act (AFSPA), said it was opposed to any 'unilateral' decision by the Centre about extending the Act in the state. "We observe that New Delhi should have respect for the views and opinions of both people and the state government before taking such a decision," NPMHR Secretary General Nipuni Piku said.
The Disturbed Area Act has its genesis to Naga underground movement when it was clamped in mid-50s as large-scale violence erupted in erstwhile Naga Hills district of Assam. The Act has been lifted and reimposed earlier in the state. The current spell of the Act came into effect in 1993 when violence erupted in the state.
Greater Nagaland demand not justified, says NCP The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Jul 25: The Nationalist Congress Party, NCP, Manipur pradesh has expressed its faith in the integrity of Manipur. Addressing mediapersons today at its new office at Thangmeiband College Gate, NCP spokesman N Radhakanta charged Rajya Sabha MP of double-speak and alleged that Outer MP Mani Charenamei is a representative of the NSCN(IM). He said that the present boundary of Manipur is guaranteed by the Indian Parliament when it was conferred statehood in 1972 during the reign of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. And as such disintegrity of Manipur will be impossible, Radhakanta said. The agitation called by ANSAM and NSCN(IM) is an aimless swing to disturb neighbouring states after the so-called peace talks with the Centre landed in a precarious situation. Further, the blockade has also caused immense suffering for the people of Manipur. Citing example, he lamented that the price of rice in Tamenglong has reached Rs. 50 per kg.

When the present Nagaland is beset with many controversies, including claims by the Dimasa community that Dimpur belonged to them, the claims of a greater Nagaland is not justified, he said.
The NCP spokesman also urged the government to develop NH-53 with funds released by the Centre so that all transportations to Imphal could be made through Jiribam. He also questioned if efforts by the government to develop NH-53 will stop if the economic blockade along the NH-39 ends. The government should take up its acitivities with a long-term plan and a vision. Radhakanta also charged the Centre of not taking up efforts to end the issue as if to encourage hostility and ethnic clashes.

Military vs Military Source: IMPHAL FREE PRESS Posted: 2005-07-26

So it seems the Government of India does not see the bush war in the northeast as something on its way out. How would it or anybody, considering all the lawlessness in the region? There are so much arms in the hands of so many different underground organizations, not many of them sharing the same goal. Yesterday, much to the chagrin of the Nagaland chief minister Niphieu Rio, and other human rights activists based in the state, the Union government decided to extend the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act, AFSPA, in Nagaland for another term. Here is a very uneasy contradiction. On the one hand is the revulsion at the continued use of a universal acknowledged draconian Act that empowers the military to such an extent that it leaves much room for human rights violation. On the other hand is the unacceptability of Rio’s claim that peace has returned to Nagaland, a proposition which the Union government certainly has not bought, just as so many others in the region. There has indeed been a considerable cessation of open hostility between the various underground forces and the government forces in the state on account of the ceasefire agreements between both the factions of the NSCN and the Union government, but it would be naive to call this peace. Peace, as we have argued so many times before, is not just a question of an absence of overt violence. It is on the other hand, a state of mind. And this state of mind has been elusive in Nagaland as much as in Manipur or for that matter much of the rest of the northeast. At this juncture, it is difficult to imagine when this state of mind would ever become a reality.
This peace of mind can be there in an ideal situation where there has been a total demilitarization of the region. When we say this, we do not mean withdrawal of government troops alone, but the disarming of all other insurgent groups as well, for whatever one may say, they too are very militaristic in organization as well as philosophy. In regions of overlapping concerns, such as Nagaland and Manipur, it would also not do to seek the demilitarization of just a state either. The problem has to be handled together. The geography of war and the geography of peace are not to be confused for any peace move to be pragmatic. This is why we have always also insisted that there is a need for a more composite approach to the problem of the northeast. Peace by this definition can be said to have returned only when unarmed policemen, just by the authority their uniforms command, are be able to be in charge of the law and order agenda. The Nagas are also making the issue more problematic by their obsession with their supposed uniqueness although they belong to the same political and historical milieu as everybody else in the region. This is also, as everybody is witness, proving increasingly to be a recipe for ethnic tension and conflicts. It is interesting to note here that even the North Eastern Council, NEC, has re-oriented itself to align with this idea even in the developmental debate. Under its new leadership, it now believes that the northeast as a region is immensely rich but most of the states, created as they were as ethnic states to appease unrests, by themselves are nonviable as independent economies.
The other problematic question is, what must be the adequate and appropriate response of the state institution to organized, military challenges against it? This question must, we are of the opinion, predicate all probes into special laws against such challenges for the probes to be meaningful. In the face of the new brand of violence of the Al Qaeda brand, this debate is raging all over the world. We are not trying to justify the AFSPA, especially against the recent incident of a convoy commander of the Assam Rifles at its Leirou headquarters wilfully pushing two civilian trucks pleading for protection, into the fire. If he were to be shielded under the immunities provided by this Act in the present form, we will not be surprised at all if he receives not penalty but a medal for the despicable behaviour. Still, we are at a loss as to what to expect from the Indian nation state by way of a response to insurgency. A watered-down AFSPA, with its unreasonable immunities removed so that cowards such as the Leirou convoy commander would be made to face the music under the law? Perhaps the multitude of more outspoken critics of the AFSPA in our region can provide the answer.

Dimasa students reiterate appeal to ANSAM The Imphal Free Press

IMPHAL, Jul 25: The All Dimasa Students Union, central committee, endorsing the stance of its Cachar district unit has urged the All Naga Students Association, Manipur to end the indefinite economic blockade along NH-39 and NH-53 without further delay. The ADSU, in a statement, appealed to all concerned to refrain from any activity or comment that could complicate the present situation, and further urged the Central government to look at the matter seriously.

The student body noted that in any democratic protest, the essential services are usually exempted from their purview, and took the stance that imposing economic blockade is also unethical on humanitarian grounds. It asked what Nagaland-based democratic organisations would say if other organisations imposed a similar blockade on Nagaland for similar reasons. It called for talks between different democratic organisations of diffeent communities living in Manipur to defuse the tension and to preserve communal amity and maintain their relationship of brotherhood.

MP balm on Manipur OUR CORRESPONDENT The Telegraph
Imphal, July 24: Crises-weary Manipur today saw a glimmer of hope in Lok Sabha member Mani Charenamei’s personal initiative to end the Naga economic blockade that has choked the state’s supply chain. Charenamei, one of the two Naga parliamentarians from the state, said leaders of the All Naga Students Association of Manipur were willing to reconsider the government’s offer of a negotiated settlement. The Naga students association began the blockade at midnight on June 19 to protest the government’s decision to declare the anniversary of the 2001 uprising in the Manipur valley as “state integrity day”. The Naga community took affront because that uprising was against Delhi’s bid to extend its ceasefire with the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) beyond Nagaland. Known to be a supporter of the demand for the integration of all Naga-inhabited areas of the Northeast, Charenamei met chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh this morning to say that he was trying to bring the agitating student leadership to the negotiation table. “The response is positive and I am sure they will come to the negotiation table within the next three days,” the MP from Outer Manipur constituency told the media later. Before arriving in Imphal to inform the chief minister about his initiative, Charenamei met leaders of the Naga organisation twice in as many days.
“I am convinced that the chief minister is very sincere and serious in ending the impasse and I conveyed this to the Naga student leaders. I told the students that they need to talk to the chief minister. They were convinced and will convey their decision very soon,” he said. On the declaration of a general holiday on June 18, which was the fourth anniversary of the uprising in the valley, Charenamei said the decision was not right. “It was on June 18, 2001, that people burned the national flag and torched the Assembly building in Imphal. I also made it very clear to the Prime Minister that it should be observed as a black day because it was a blot on the history of Indian democracy,” he said.
There is no opportunity, no hope here’ The economic blockade has taken its toll on the people of Manipur. Khelen Thokchom meets a family trying to cope with the troubled times The Telegraph
Jayabati Devi offers black tea to her guests, for there is little milk at home. The 47-year-old nurse rustles up her own snacks these days — a simple besan bhujia called Watin. “Bandhs, general strike and economic blockades have become a way of life,” she says. “As Manipur burns, you have no choice but to learn to live.”
It’s not easy, though. The All Naga Students’ Association of Manipur (ANSAM) has imposed an economic blockade on Manipur, virtually severing it from the rest of the country. For over a month now, the supply of essentials has been erratic. petrol is scarce, as is food. The troubled times remind Jayabati Devi of a day last year when all of Manipur was in flames. Jayabati was home for the third day in a row, because the streets of the capital, Imphal, were like war zones. She knew that her place was in her wards in the unit hospital of the Manipur Rifles. But protestors were fighting a pitched battle with the administration, and Jayabati knew she couldn’t step out of her house. That was soon after Thangjam Manorama was killed by troops of the Assam Rifles. People were out on the streets, facing bullets, lathis and tear-gas shells, to protest the death of the 32-year-old Manipuri woman. Jayabati was warned that if she didn’t report for work her services would be terminated. She recalls how senior officials collected a fine from her colleagues who had been forced to stay home during the strike. “I used to argue with them that if they provided security escorts I would come. But they couldn’t do so. So I never paid any fine either,” Jayabati Devi says. For Jayabati Devi and her family, blockades are not new. This time, the Naga students are demanding a roll back of a government declaration of a general holiday on June 18 as “state integrity day”. But the blockade, which started on June 19, goes beyond that — for it actually revolves around an old demand for the unification of Naga- inhabited areas of the northeast under one administrative unit. Imphal stayed shut for two months during the 2001 summer uprising against the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isaac-Muivah)’s agreement to extend a ceasefire without territorial restrictions. The death of Manorama triggered a series of agitations that led to the closure of the city for three months last year. “But like other families coping with the troubled times, we managed to sustain ourselves,” says Jayabati’s husband, Amar Yumnam. Even now, the Yumnams are coping. They live in a joint family, where the senior-most is 83 years old and the youngest is still to go to school. Jayabati is the eldest daughter-in-law in the 16-member Meitei family living in Malom, just eight kms from the Imphal marketplace.
The market is not a busy place any more. Food shortages have forced people like the Yumnams to make do with home-grown plants. Nobody, for instance, uses the now-scarce onions and garlic in their food anymore. Instead, the Yumnams use a pungent plant locally known as maroi. “One should learn to live on home-grown items,” says Amar, a professor of economics at Manipur University. Months of blockades have forced the Yumnams to change their food habits. Potatoes and oil have disappeared from the market, and from theYumnams’s kitchen as well. But there is enough rice stocked at home to keep them going. The family budget has been severely slashed, and the members are doing away with comforts they were once used to. Amar and Jayabati don’t drive the family car anymore, for fuel is scarce and expensive. Petrol — which comes mostly from Churachandpur district, smuggled in from neighbouring Mizoram — is not available in the open market. And in the black market, a litre of petrol costs Rs 70. But the Yumnams are unfazed. “We are now using our old and reliable scooter,” says Amar. “The only problem is that it often breaks down because of the adulterated petrol bought from the black market.”
There is trouble outside the Yumnams’s cosy home, too. Amar and Jayabati worry about the growing divide between the Nagas and the Meiteis as the blockade continues. The blockade has the support of groups such as the Naga Hoho and Naga Students Federation, which, the Yumnams believe, jumped into the fray because it was perceived that the ANSAM blockade had failed to paralyse life. But the development, the family fears, has widened the ethnic divide. In Jayabati’s hospital, for instance, the Meiteis and Nagas make it a point not to discuss issues such as Manipur’s territorial integrity or the Naga peace talks. “We are still on friendly terms and talk to each other. But something — and I can’t explain what it is — stops us from discussing these issues openly with our Naga friends. These days we only talk about our work and personal problems, which are not related to the blockade,” Jayabati says. But what worries the family more is the future of the children. Schools are often shut, and the children’s education is in such a state that Amar and Jayabati have sent their daughter, Joshila — the eldest of their three school-going children — to faraway Gurgaon on the outskirts of New Delhi for her studies. “The prevailing situation has greatly disturbed the academic atmosphere of Imphal. With schools shut, not a single academic year has completed its course,” says Jayabati.
Joshila is back home now for the summer, and wonders at the “sea of difference” between schools in Imphal and Delhi and its suburbs. “Here in Imphal you do not know whether you are learning anything or not. I realised what an academic atmosphere meant only after I joined my school in Gurgaon,” says the class XII student. The Yumnams may be coping with the difficulties posed by a besieged Imphal, but there is a growing sense of foreboding. And, worse still, is the unpredictable present. A child weeping late at night wakes up the neighbours. “If we hear a child cry, we think something has happened to that family,” says Jayabati. Her brother-in-law, Surchandra, says he starts sweating every time a security man visits the small shop that he runs, to buy something. “I may get killed in a cross-fire between militants and the security forces while walking or driving on the road,” he says. “Whenever I see security men frisking civilians, I tremble, because they can do anything to us. I could be the target of some angry security personnel if a bomb planted by militants explodes where I happen to be,” says Surchandra. The fear is not misplaced, for it was close to their home that Assam Rifles troops gunned down 10 civilians at a bus-stand five years ago. The firing, in retaliation to a rebel ambush, provoked Irom Sharmila to go on a fast unto death. Sharmila is still on a fast, though she is being tube-fed in Imphal’s Jawaharlal Nehru Hospital. Not surprisingly, young people such as Joshila are already making plans to leave Manipur. “I don’t see any future here,” she says. “There is no opportunity for us, and no hope.”
Changes are happening all around them — and like spectators, the Yumnams watch the transformation of Manipur. Amar is convinced that the Manipuris’ resilience and patience have been strengthened by the ongoing strikes. But, on the other hand, as Manipur reels under political movements, regional development is forgotten. Within the movement, too, there have been changes. Amar believes that the support base of militant groups — and there are at least 15 such bodies — is getting eroded with a growing resistance to militant activities. Social crimes are on the rise, and the armed groups have not been able to control such activities, which, many think, is a reason militants are losing support. But, as far as the Yumnams are concerned, the Central government’s role is “unpardonable”. Says Jayabati: “The Nagas have their right to make any demand, as do the Kukis or the Meiteis. But it is the responsibility of the government of the day to find an amicable solution to the problems and redress the grievances.”
And, to start with, the Yumnams stress that the blockade should be called off, for it affects every community. “Let’s live peacefully,” the family says. “The government should keep all its people happy. People will survive blockades, but it will retard progress.” Jayabati leaves for her hospital — two hours late for work. “Don’t worry,” she says before leaving. “I know how to deal with situations.”
Strengthening Peoples to Peoples Relationship: Burma and India

(The paper is submitted by Mizzima News Group, www.mizzima.com)
India and Burma have a centuries-old historical connection. The two nations have enjoyed mutual contacts and ties in the realm of religion, culture, trade, commerce, law, political philosophy and togetherness in their struggle for Independence from colonial rule. Indian influence has been felt in Burma since ancient times. Hinduism and Buddhism came to Burma from India by the seventh century. Burma received the foundation of its legal system from India. Both countries came under British colonial rule and Burmese leaders were associated with Indian leaders during the struggle for national independence. Burma's first generation growing up under colonial rule received its higher education at Calcutta University. Pandit Nehru and Burma's independence hero Aung San, father of Aung San Suu Kyi, were "brothers-in-arms" in their fight against colonialism. Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose based his Azad Hind Fauj in Burma during World War II. On his way to London to conclude the Aung San-Attlee Agreement for Burma's independence from the British, Aung San stopped over in Delhi to confer with Nehru who gave a coat to Aung San so that he could shield himself from Europe's harsh winter. Wearing that coat, Aung San became Burma's national symbol.

On the eve of the independence of India and Burma, the two countries grew closer. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the then President of the Constitutional Assembly of India, declared at a meeting of Rangoon citizens on 5th January 1948, "Free Burma could always count on India's assistance and services whenever she needed them". Independent India lent its constitutional expert Sir BN Rau to Burma when Burma's post-independent future was being drawn up. India offered asylum to U Nu, the first and last democratically elected Prime Minister of independent Burma after he was overthrown by a military coup, led by General Ne Win, in 1962. When a nationwide pro-democracy uprising broke out in 1988, India under Rajiv Gandhi supported the Burmese democracy movement.

The two countries have not once reached a point of diplomatic stand off or conflict since independence. However, the friendship and good relationship between state to state and the government to government do not mean to benefit the common people of both countries. In many cases, amidst the growing state to state relationship between the countries, the aspirations of the peoples for freedom, democracy, human rights and right to self-determination happens to be neglected. The present stage of India-Burma relations is a case to point out. India was the first nation to extend active support to the pro-democracy movement in Burma. India internationally also condemned the authoritarian military regime when it refused to hand over power to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party National League for Democracy in the 1990 general elections. In 1993, the Indian government honoured Suu Kyi with a high civilian award, the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding. However, since the late 1990s, Indian government has avoided any critical and controversial remark on happenings in Burma. India has maintained a steadfast silence on the pro-democracy movement of Burma although individual Parliamentarians and of political parties continue to vouch their commitment and support to the pro-democracy movement of Burma.

India has perhaps adopted a realistic approach in pursuit of its strategic interests. Since 1998, India has extended more than $100 million in credit to the Burmese regime, including for upgrading the Yangon Mandalay railway. In addition, India has contributed $27 million to the building of the 160-km Tamu-Kalewa highway. India has become Burma's second largest export market after Thailand, absorbing 25% of Burma's total exports. India also hopes to double bilateral trade with Burma to $1 billion in the next three years. It is planning to buy gas from Burma, benefiting the military regime to the tune of millions of dollars. Engagement with the military junta stems from a multiplicity of factors. Modern-day Burma poses a strategic challenge on India's eastern flank and at its maritime frontiers. The increasing Chinese influence in Burma and in the Indo-Burmese region has worried India. Chinese support to various insurgency groups in the north-east and the fact that Burma has served as a base for many of these insurgents has led the Indian government to engage with Burma's military government.

Burma's inclusion in ASEAN in 1997 has encouraged India to include Burma in its official "Look East Policy". Burma was seen as the launching pad to enter South East Asia, get access to the markets and gain a foothold there. Moreover, Burma also being an integral part of BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) is a vital partner for regional projects where India is involved. There is also a strong perception that interfacing with Burma can hasten economic development in India's north eastern states that share common boundaries with Burma. The North East India has been a bridge between India and Burma and then towards South East Asia for centuries. Similarity in ethnicity, customs, tradition, and way of life between the peoples from Burma and North East India has been a meeting point for closer ties and friendship. Even after the demarcation of boundaries between present day Burma and India after the British left, the peoples across the border are freely moving around the border.

The four North Eastern of India namely Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh share more than 600 kilometers border with Burma. Manipur shares the longest stretch of border extending for more than 300 kilometers, Mizoram State shares over 200 kilometers with Burma. Ensuring the regular supply of India goods and products in Burma would facilitate the development of the economically underdeveloped border states of India. Burma's economic potential has been a major inducement for India to adhere to a policy of "constructive engagement" with Burma. India, perhaps, hopes to avoid or limit a Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean. It is also likely that India hopes it could prevent Burma from becoming a Chinese pawn moving against India's economic and security interests. Moreover, Burma is seen as India's gateway to Asia, in particular to South-east Asia. At the end of 2003, Indian vice-president Bhairon Singh Shekhawat visited Burma. Indian government rolled out a red-carpet welcome to Burmese military leader Senior General Than Shwe when he visited India in October 2004. It is debatable, however, whether India's so-called "strategic interests" have been served by its past decade of friendship with Burma's dictatorial regime. I am not arguing that India should reverse its current policy on Burma. However, India has scope for positive action. Rangoon's generals should not be left in any doubt that India stands firmly by the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people. I do not say that the current India's policy on Burma does not benefit the peoples of two countries. It has provided and continues to provide some space for the peoples across the border particularly the window of opportunity for establishing people to people relationship. While Burmese are able to visit Buddhist pilgrimage places in India such as Bodh Gaya and Nalanda, the Indians and particularly the peoples in North Eastern states are able to trade with their Burmese counter parts across the border. However, the tourism, trade and business have been much limited to some sections of people in Burma. Because those who can come to India to see the Buddhist pilgrimage places are a few people who are rich or associated with the present ruling military establishment.

On the other hand, what the Burmese military regime mainly interested is to play a diplomacy card between China and India, between the Western nations and Burma's neighbors to gain the acceptance of its illegal, brutal and repressive rule in Burma from the international community. On one hand, the military junta uses its relationship with India and China to tell the Western nations which are critical of its rule that it has the support of world's two largest populous countries. On other hand, it plays the diplomacy card between India and China to gain support for its rule. It is important for the Burmese generals in power to have a good relationship with India as it enhances its own political image both inside and outside the country. Moreover, it is important for trade purposes of the military regime and gives away some degree of dependence on China. As a major part of restoring normal relationship between the two countries, India and Burma signed a Border Trade Agreement in 1994 to formally carry out the border trade between the two countries. The North East India, particularly Manipur, Mizoram and Nagaland are the area where the border trade pass through. Moreh, Manipur's border town with Burma is a major trade route while new trade points in Mizoram and Nagaland are coming up in recent years. However, though it has been a decade now that the trade agreement is signed between the two countries, the border trade has been unable to reach to the stage where it supposed to be. Due to insurgency problem, infrastructure problem, and banking problem, border trade has been in fact facing serious challenges in recent years. Though over the years, India has emerged as the largest export market for Burma (accounting for one-fourth of Burma's total exports), the trading itself and particularly India's export to Burma has been very minimal. The balance of trade between the two countries is hugely in Burma's favour. The border trade between India and Burma is largely dominated by the "illegal smuggling" of goods and others including drugs and arms. The bordering areas surrounding North East India and Burma are plagued with political instability, drugs trafficking, AIDS, arms smuggling and insurgency. The North East India has been facing serious problems for several decades due to the unabated flow of heroin and other illicit drugs in the region. Being next to Burma which is world's one of the largest opium producers is a major factor. The porous border and prevailing insurgency problems provide favorable conditions for drug racketeering. Although the Indian government has been pursuing the matter with the Burmese authorities, they have not been successful in eliminating the problem.

According to the Manipur Government statistics, there are an estimated 35,000 regular drug users in the state. The actual number could be higher than this figure. Approximately 70 percent of HIV infection rates are found among injecting drug users in the state. Mizoram health officials said that the drugs which mostly come across border from Burma have already claimed more than 700 youths during the last 10 years. The heroin and amphetamine-type stimulants being used by youth in Manipur and Mizoram come from Burma. It has been there for several years and we are till now unable to stop this drug flow across the border. The 2003 International Narcotics Control Board has stated that though opium cultivation in Burma has declined by almost two thirds since 1996, the illicit manufacture of, trafficking in and abuse of amphetamine-type stimulants in Burma has increased and trafficking routes have developed considerably. Recent frequent seizures of heroin in Assam and the bordering areas of Nagaland have raised questions concerning the Indian enforcement agencies' claim that drug trafficking along the India-Burma border has been slowing down.

It is a well know open secret that some of the North Eastern rebels are having their bases and training camps inside Burma. I am not sure whether this shelter is being provided by the knowledge of top military leaders in Rangoon or not. But, there are strong indications that the local Burmese military commanders and military intelligence officers are hand in glove with the Indian insurgents in Burma. The presence of Indian insurgents in Burma has been a good issue for Burmese generals to bargain with India both for better relationship and for the crack down of Burmese pro-democracy and ethnic forces residing in India, whom the regime regarded as "outlaws" or "insurgents". Recently, the Government of India decided to crack down against the Chin National Front (CNF) which is a part of Burma's movement for democracy, human rights and self-determination. Many of these problems are directly or indirectly linked with the nature of governance in Burma where the military currently rules the country with its iron-gripped dictatorial politics without letting allow any space for dialogue, freedom of expression and freedom to political or social organization in the country. Moreover, the constant movement and flow of refugees from Burma into the North Eastern states of India has been a growing concern for the peoples in the region. Fear of torture, rape, summary execution, imprisonment, forced labor, forced relocation by the army in Burma have been responsible for a large number of Burmese peoples fleeing into India over the years. The Burmese refugee population in India is comprised of mostly the ethnic minority nationalities in Burma. These refugees are concentrated in the four Northeastern states of Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh. It is estimated that there are more than 1 lakh Chin refugees from Burma are in Mizoram. 2000 Chin refugees in Manipur, 6000 Naga refugees in both Manipur and Nagaland, 100 Kachin refugees in Arunachal Pradesh. At present, around 1,500 Burmese refugees and asylum-seekers live in New Delhi. About half of them are recognised by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees as refugees. But the rehabilitation of Burmese refugees in India has been a major UNHCR failure. The majority of Burmese in India face tremendous hardship. UNHCR is actively implementing a phase-out programme, which cuts the meagre subsistence allowance to refugees on the assumption that refugees should earn their livelihood in India. However, the majority of Burmese in New Delhi have no access to remunerated work. Here, the case of 36 Burmese prisoners in the Andaman Islands also deserves attention. On 12 February, 1998, the Indian army arrested 36 Burmese nationals - 25 Arakans and 11 Karens - in a military operation called "Operation Leech" in the Andamans Sea. They were charged in 1999 under the "Arms and Explosive Substance Act" and under section 3(1) (b) of the "National Security Act" of 1980. The Indian military failed to produce the evidence to prove these allegations. For now seven years, these Burmese have been held without trial.

At present, Burma's pro-democracy leader and Nobel Laureate is under strict house arrest by the regime. Estimated 1,000 political prisoners including elected Members of Parliament in 1990 are in different jails in Burma. The country is one of the Least Developed Countries of the world. For the long term, India's national as well as security consideration demand Burma to be a democratic, an economically strong, developed and modernized nation. Only a democratic and federal political set-up in Burma can guarantee for the long term political stability in Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi has said that she expected India to help the movement for democracy in Burma because India is a democracy. India-Burma relations must be based on the common aspirations of the two peoples. It has to benefit the peoples of both countries. It has to strengthen the peoples to peoples relationship between the two countries. It should not only benefit a few military generals and their associates in Burma. India, being the world largest democracy and a neighbour, should also extend active support for the Burmese peoples' struggle for democracy, human rights and self-determination. The least India can do for Burmese democracy is to help expose the authoritarian rule in Burma.

Tobu solution only if Government implements its 1986 notification: Chuba Chang
Oken Jeet Sandham – Asian Tribune
Kohima, 26 July, (NEPS): Former Nagaland Minister and Opposition Congress MLA H Chuba Chang asserted that the present Konyak-Chang imbroglio in Tobu would only be resolved if the State Government's notification, 1986 was implemented in letter and spirit. Talking to NEPS here, the former Minister said as per the State Government notification in 1986, the Tobu Sub-Division along with 13 villages from Tuensang district had to be transferred to Mon district. But this was never implemented by the Government and this was the main reason why so many unfortunate incidents took place time to time, said the former Minister. The villages from Tuensang to be transferred along with Tobu-Sub Division to Mon district as per the State Government notification, 1986 were Shamnyu, Tamkong, Ukha, Yakshu, Yonghong, Kenchangshu, Chungnyu, Yei, Manyakshu, Changlangshu, Pessao, Yangkhao and Shingnyu. The notification, however, stated that the "present Sub-Division Hq. at Tobu shall continue to be the temporary Headquarters (of) Tobu Sub-Division until a suitable site for Tobu Sub-Division Headquarters is selected in Mon district."

The Congress MLA however disclosed that the Government had assured the Tuensang people when its official team had last visited in the wake of the recent unfortunate Tobu incident that they would implement the Government notification of 1986. And the Chang Tribal Council had organized a meeting in Tuensang village on July 8 following the assurance given by the State Government officials during its visit in Tobu. Asked about the Self Defense Force of the Change people which was responsible for the recent grisly incident in Tobu, Chuba Chang said the group came into existence when Tawang Konyak was Tuensang DC who is now Wokha DC. "I had even cautioned to various leaders of DAN Ministers including Noke that some people might float armed group to create problem in Tobu and even I would not be surprised if the then Tuensang DC (Tawang Konyak) was aware of it," the Congress leader from Tuensang district pointed out. "Disappointingly, all my soundings went unheeded."
For the sake of peace
The question whether the Centre-NSCN(I-M) ceasefire expiring on July 31 next would be extended or not has assumed significance in the wake of a rather dim atmosphere prevailing since the NSCN(I-M)’s recent outbursts against the Centre and the security forces. The outfit had recently accused the security forces of violating norms of the ceasefire agreement and alleged that certain elements in the armed forces had been trying to “sabotage” the peace process. Taking a strong exception to the killing of its cadres by security personnel a couple of months earlier, the outfit had warned the Centre of thinking twice on its commitment to peace. The NSCN(I-M) had accused the Central government also of trying to avoid a solution to the Naga political problem. In the event of the strong statements made by NSCN(I-M) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah prior to his departure to Amsterdam, a cloud of mistrust, reminiscent of the one that had prevailed prior to the NSCN(I-M) leadership’s visit to India late last year, seems to be looming over the peace process. Although the Centre has expressed the hope that the truce would again be extended, it has put the ceasefire ball in the NSCN(I-M)’s court. All hopes, therefore, rest on the Naga outfit to remove the hurdles and make renewed attempts at finding a solution to the five-decade-old political problem.

Much of the resentment expressed by the NSCN(I-M) recently seemed to have evolved from the frustration over the lack of progress in the dialogue process during the leadership’s sojourn in Nagaland. The NSCN(I-M) leaders had arrived in India last December with much optimism after the Centre had allayed their apprehensions over the alleged assistance to NSCN(K) and assured them of looking at all options for finding a solution to the problem. During the last seven months, however, the talks process failed to yield any fruit, compelling the Naga leadership to go back to Amsterdam “empty-handed”. The unhappiness at the slow progress seems to be affecting all the Naga people who have been nurturing the hope to live together under a common administrative umbrella – which is also the NSCN(I-M)’s blueprint for ‘Greater Nagalim’. Recently, all the Naga ministers and MLAs of Manipur submitted a memorandum to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh expressing the Naga people’s wish to live together, although the memorandum reportedly stopped short of mentioning the term ‘Greater Nagalim’. Moreover, the ongoing highway blockade imposed by a Naga students’ body in Manipur is indirectly linked to the overarching issue, although the immediate reason is the Manipur government’s proposal to make the 18th of June a State holiday. The overwhelming support extended by Naga organisations to the agitation is a clear affirmation of that innate determination of the Naga people to bring about the cherished integration.

However, this aspiration of the Naga people to ‘live together’ is in conflict with the desire of the people of the neighbouring States to protect their territorial integrity at all costs. ‘Nagalim’ would require slicing of large areas of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh – an unimaginable proposition in the present scheme of things. The NSCN(I-M)’s hope for integration of Naga-dominated areas and its relentless struggle to undo past “injustices” are considered by these States as an attempt to re-draw the boundaries. Therefore, it is important that all communities think of themselves not in terms of disjointed, separate entities, but try to live together without disturbing peace in the region. Combining the concepts of Naga unity and the integration of Naga-dominated areas is likely to cause the inter-state relations an irreparable damage. Both NSCN(I-M) and the Centre, therefore, must work together to see to it that peace and amity are maintained in the region. As the ceasefire expiry date draws near, they must brush the negatives aside and strive to rebuild the confidence that has been a prominent feature of their coordinated efforts to push the peace process forward. The extension of the ceasefire would be necessary if we are truly serious about finding an amicable solution to the vexed political problem.