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Home » Archives » June 2005 » ‘Solution can be possible only when the GoI respects the reality of Nagas' • T. Muivah, General Secretary, NSCN(IM)The ceasefire in the Naga hills still holding, he was here at the invitation of the Government to find a way to end the decades-old insurgency. Thuingaleng Muivah, the M in the I-M faction of the NSCN, the dominant Naga insurgent outfit, speaks to Shekhar Gupta, Editor-in-Chief of The Indian Express, on NDTV 24x7’s Walk the Talk programme. Excerpts from the interview...

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06/22/2005: "‘Solution can be possible only when the GoI respects the reality of Nagas' • T. Muivah, General Secretary, NSCN(IM)The ceasefire in the Naga hills still holding, he was here at the invitation of the Government to find a way to end the decades-old insurgency. Thuingaleng Muivah, the M in the I-M faction of the NSCN, the dominant Naga insurgent outfit, speaks to Shekhar Gupta, Editor-in-Chief of The Indian Express, on NDTV 24x7’s Walk the Talk programme. Excerpts from the interview..."


‘Solution can be possible only when the GoI respects the reality of Nagas'
• T. Muivah, General Secretary, NSCN(IM)

The ceasefire in the Naga hills still holding, he was here at the invitation of the Government to find a way to end the decades-old insurgency. Thuingaleng Muivah, the M in the I-M faction of the NSCN, the dominant Naga insurgent outfit, speaks to Shekhar Gupta, Editor-in-Chief of The Indian Express, on NDTV 24x7’s Walk the Talk programme. Excerpts from the interview...

• What does it feel like now to be guest of the Government of India, you were fighting them, hiding from them for four decades?

We have been accorded hospitality and are thankful to them for that. But the greater question is that the issue is political and they have to appear to understand us.

• But do you think some understanding has developed now?

Yes, because they have recognised the uniqueness of history, a very significant step taken from the Indian side.

• But are you happy now that the fighting is over?

It is hard to say that the fighting is over. Despite the declaration of ceasefire, fighting is going on there because Indian armed forces used to attack our camps. So, sometimes it is difficult to predict.

• But it’s very little compared with what it was then.

Yes, yes, that’s right.

• Where do you see the talks going now? One feels you have been disappointed or bored or tired.

It has now taken more than seven years and it is time for us to have substantial understanding between us, which is still not there.

• So you are getting the seven-year itch as they say in a marriage. How have you found dealing with Indian officials and politicians?

Well, some are quite sensible and very understanding but that is not the case with all of them. We claim that they have understood much better now because we have made our stand sufficiently clear to them and it is for them to make their own decision now.

• But are you disappointed? As you have said sometimes, ‘I am disappointed, I am going away’.

I am not that disappointed but after talking for so many years if nothing substantial comes up, no one will be happy.

• So it’s not that you are going away in anger.

No, this is not the case.
• But you are going away?

Yes, we need to go out because we have had sufficient time here.

• So where are you headed now?

I will be heading to Europe.

• Summer-time is a good time to go to Europe if you can’t go to Nagaland.

Yes, but I went to Nagaland last year.

• It must be a strange feeling to have earlier fought the Indian Armed forces and now being under their protection.

Yes, of course. This is a fact now. There is an understanding and practically, there is no point for me to be apprehensive.

• You are one of the most protected people in Delhi. Even the most protected people can go out for a walk but not you. Do you think that by this time, you should have felt more secure personally. Who are your enemies?

The Government of India is taking special care of us and sees to it that nothing happens to us. That is very kind of them and it shows their concern.

• So, tell me your experiences about dealing with your negotiators? How much distance remains to be covered?

Well, it is hard to say. But you know it’s a long time now since we started talking and it is a fact that they have come to understand the uniqueness of Naga history. Our history is very clear.

• What is that uniqueness of your history, if you could tell me in brief.

Well, Nagas and Nagaland were never conquered by any alien nation, including India. It is the first point of our uniqueness. Secondly, Nagas are the first settlers of Nagaland and we fought against the British for 48 years and they occupied a small portion, which is another uniqueness. And when it was imminent that the British were to leave Indian Nagaland, our men told them that any arrangement without consultation with the Nagas will not be acceptable to them...they were sufficiently aware of their political rights and then they went on to meet Mahatma Gandhi who gave his commitment in no uncertain terms that Nagas have every right to be independent.

• But Mahatma Gandhi had a way of saying it. He said there will be a place where you can enjoy the glow of freedom which he could have said to any commitment in India.

He said Nagas have a right to be independent because he knew the history of Nagas and he had respect for history.

• What is the way out now, given the realities of today’s world that cartographical changes are impractical.

Historical facts are to be taken into consideration first. Because of the changes in demography, facts of history cannot be dismissed altogether. We declared our independence on 14th August 1947, one day before India did. And when in 1950, the Union of India was formed for the first time in history, Nagas were also invited to become a part but Nagas refused. This historical fact cannot be ignored under any circumstance and that is the reason why Nagas were never a part of the Indian Union, either by conquest or consent.

• What is your ideal solution?

Solution can be possible only when the Indian government respects the reality of the Nagas.

• According to you, what are the five points which if the Government of India accepts there can be peace and tranquility?

We have tried to understand the leaders of India and we have come closer because there must be a solution. So the positive steps we have been taking are substantial.

• Tell me some of those steps.

It was a slogan of the Nagas—nothing to do with the Indians because they were never a part of the Indian Union; nothing short of complete sovereignty; nothing short of complete independence. These were the slogans of Naga people and they were not wrong.

• Now what has changed?

Here we have to understand the importance of interdependence, we cannot be inimical to India and vice-versa. Then what should be the meeting point, we have to understand. And if we can appreciate the difficulties on the part of the Indian Government, that has to be the first step.

• But you do appreciate that?

Yes, we appreciate that but the Indian Government should understand our difficulties. That is what they have not yet done. So the problem is not with us but with them still.

• So your difficulties are that whatever settlement takes place there has to be some feeling of autonomy, sovereignty?

No, no. Here, the question is this: Since the Government of India has recognised the uniqueness of Naga history, on the basis of that if we seek a solution, naturally there will be a solution.

• Forty years in the bush, fighting, training in China, I think five years spent in China in three spells. You are one of the oldest veterans in the art of guerrilla warfare. Aren’t you tired?

Well, tiredness is a different question. But upholding the just cause of the people is always first and foremost. One has to safeguard that so that the problem can be solved.

• But you are a young man for your age. I shall not mention it, may be you can.

Thank you, thank you. I think I am still strong enough.

• Pushing 70? Right?

Here, the question is that if there are any means to settle the problem with peace why not go for that. And there is nothing wrong.

• The fascinating thing about you is that you are not only one of the most experienced guerrilla fighters of the world, you are also among the best educated. You have a post-graduation in political science from Gauhati University. And in your fighting years, you had education and re-education, you were almost a socialist revolutionary first when you went to China. Tell me a little bit about your trek to China.

Then, I was just 20 years old.

• That was in 1964.

China was, at that time, one of the most respected nations of the world and how could a child be sent there to talk to great people there?

• And this is when India and China had just had the war and Nehru had just died in 1964.

You are right, you are right. At last, I accepted the order from the government and I went there. Along with me, 133 cadets went and it took more than three months. The commander, my friend, was General Thinosielie.

• Tell me a little bit of your days in Beijing. What happened, why did you first go? You met Chou En-lai...

I have great respect for Chinese leaders and the Chinese people. I see in them greatness and so I have admiration for them. They tried to understand our point of view and that is in a way inspiring. Because great people like Chou En-lai had the patience to listen to us and we were able to make our position very clear to them when they understood us. Of course, they were very happy.

• Tell me about your first meeting with Chou En-lai

Yes, he is a big man, admired all over the world. He had the patience to listen to us. And I admired that kind of attitude. Great men behave that way and it is a great lesson for us. He would support the revolutionary cause.

• Scato Swu, remember him, he was the president of provisional government for some time, then became a Member of Parliament.

I respect him.

• I was once driving with him during the 1982 elections and I asked him that in 1962, the Indian Army had left the North-East, the Chinese were here who were your friends, then why did you not take over? And he said something very interesting. He said some of us thought of our experiences in China, we thought of the lack of religious freedom and the way the Tibetan culture had been squashed. And we thought Nagas are wise people and may be in future it’s better to make peace with India on self-respecting terms. Do you agree with that?

That might have been his reasoning but I feel, I would have rather preferred the kind of conclusion that would have been drawn from own experiences.

• And what is that?

Everything has its end and changes would be there.

• Do you think rebellion is having its end now? Is it leading to politics?

No, that is not the case. It depends on the nature of the issue. If exploitation is justified, we have to go on fighting.

• But in today’s situation, do you think you are heading toward peace and politics or towards fighting in the bush?

So long as India believes in military might to solve the problem, there can be no meeting point. We can go on fighting. But in 1994, three generals declared that a military solution was no longer possible. It was a political issue, which could be solved through political means. If the Government of India has realised the futility of military might, we have to accept that. We have to come forward and talk.

• And are you getting the sense that the Indian Government is more positive, more practical and more understanding now?

So far as they believe in a political solution, you are right. But how far can that be proved from the Indian side. So it is still a big issue.

• So right now you are not pessimistic?

I am not pessimistic but there is no point for me to be optimistic always.

• So when you go overseas, when do you see yourself coming back and resuming the process? Or can the process carry on even when you are outside?

Yes, it can. But it depends to what extent the Government of India is prepared to understand the Nagas and respect the reality of our history. That will decide. On our part, we will take any possible step to come closer and get the problem solved through peaceful means. But if big brothers like India will depend on the big stick, of course, we will not accept that.

• Well, it’s always that one who wields the big stick must also speak softly. Does the Government of India speak softly with you?

Sometimes softly, but sometimes they change their tone.

• And what do they say to you?

Sometimes, in a manner of threatening, they would talk.

• Even now?

Not now, in the beginning. So we had to lash out. We had to retaliate saying we have our history, you have your history. It is good if we respect each other.

• Nobody underrates the Naga soldiers. Even in the Indian army, the Naga regiment is very highly rated. During the Kargil war, the Nagas fought very well.

May be so. But politically speaking, if they don’t have regard for the rights of the Naga people and the positive steps taken by them, there will be no meeting point. If they start imposing their Constitution on us, we will not accept that. We can accept a negotiated settlement, but we will not accept any kind of imposition, today or tomorrow.

• Once you are negotiating, why should there be any imposition? Do you think what you accept will be acceptable to all tribes and sub-tribes of Nagas?

Sure, we believe that.

• You were not seen as an outsider by the Nagas as you come from Manipur...

No, no.

• When I covered the North-East, one really struggled because there were so many languages in Nagaland. So do you tell the Government of India, mafarimo (never mind), let’s move on to the future.

Yes, that’s why you are finding me here. Because we don’t bring guns here and that’s a change but the Indian government may not appreciate that.

• I am sure they do appreciate that and I am sure it leads to real change in the future...

Let’s hope so but let’s not be presumptuous.

• Let me also tell you that none of us can be fighting for 40 years and still be fit and tough like you.

If anybody forces me, I can still go further because I don’t come here to surrender my rights.

Naga surge chokes Manipur lifelines OUR CORRESPONDENT Telegraph
Imphal, June 20: Manipur’s Naga community subjected the unrest-weary state to another indefinite blockade on the two national highways and a 24-hour bandh in the hill districts from midnight as the Okram Ibobi Singh government’s decision to declare a holiday on the fourth anniversary of the June 2001 uprising kept the ethnic pot boiling. The indefinite blockade on the Imphal-Dimapur and Imphal-Jiribam highways, both considered lifelines, means the state could face a scarcity of essential commodities within the next few days. It is a prospect that is worrying the Ibobi government as much as the growing intensity of the Naga agitation. The All Naga Students Association, Manipur, began the indefinite economic blockade at midnight last night. Its general secretary, Robert T. Maram, said the blockade would continue until the Ibobi government revoked the legitimacy accorded to the 2001 uprising against Delhi’s abortive attempt to extend its ceasefire with the NSCN (I-M) beyond Nagaland. Another organisation, the United Naga Council (UNC), refused to call off the 24-hour strike in the hill districts from tonight for the same reason.
“The UNC met this morning and we decided not to alter the decision to observe a 24-hour bandh in the hill districts. The bandh is in protest against the declaration of a holiday on June 18, which was observed as ‘state integrity day’,” a Naga leader said over phone from Senapati. He described the government’s decision as a “very immature one”. No member of the Ibobi government was available for comment. Police escorted at least 50 goods-laden trucks from Mao, Manipur’s gateway to Nagaland, and intensified patrolling along stretches of the Imphal-Dimapur road. A senior police official said trucks would be escorted from Sekmai, in Imphal, to Mao everyday. Angered by the announcement of a state holiday on June 18, Naga organisations had held a series of “unification rallies” in the hill districts two days before the commemoration of the June uprising anniversary in the valley. Though the government had banned the rallies, security personnel deployed in Senapati, Ukhrul, Chandel and Tamenglong made no attempt to prevent the Naga surge. Four Naga organisations later submitted a joint memorandum to the Prime Minister through the deputy commissioner of Senapati district, demanding the integration of all Naga-inhabited areas of the Northeast.
Commentary by Sangai Express The integrity question
It seems there will be no end to the debate raging over the issue of integrity, the integrity of Manipur vis-a-vis the integration of the Naga people under one administrative umbrella. The indefinite economic blockade called by the All Naga Students' Association, Manipur against the decision of the State Government to observe June 18 as Integrity Day and to declare the day as a State holiday has once again exposed the deep divide between the votaries of a Greater Lim and those who are against any design to tamper with the territory of Manipur. It is ironic but true nevertheless that the 50 years of Naga underground movement should now become something of a bone of contention between those who have thrown their weight behind the concept of a Greater Nagaland, conceived by the NSCN (IM), and the majority community of Manipur, or the Meiteis to put it bluntly. The fight today no longer seems to be against the Government of India and the ‘forced occupation’ of Nagaland but between those who are for and against the Greater Lim demand. And the ongoing economic blockade is the testimony of the deep divide that has arose between the two different schools of thought. We have always maintained that a confrontationist stand will not take the people anywhere but only make the matter worse and definitely imposing an economic blockade is somewhat a confrontationist stand. As the All Manipur United Clubs' Organisation put it, imposition of economic blockade is not the answer to the issue at hand. The ANSAM has launched its agitation against the decision of the State Government, but imposing an economic blockade will not hurt the people who took the decision to declare June 18 as a State holiday but the common man on the street, the man who matters in the ultimate analysis.
Our humble prayer is, let better sense prevail. It would also do good for all to realise that the June 18, 2001 uprising was not against any community but against the decision of the Indian Government. The burning down of the State Assembly and offices of political parties was the explosion of the people's disillusionment with the political leaders of the day. It was not against the Naga people by any stretch of the imagination. This fact should not be lost on anyone and while we understand the sentiments of ANSAM in going ahead with the economic blockade, we sincerely feel that such a course of action cannot be to the good of anyone. Their grievances are against the State Government and surely there should be other methods to air their stand and express their opinion on the issue at hand. On the part of the people living in the valley area and other districts too, the agitation of ANSAM should not be read along communal lines. It is a student body which is airing its stand and opposition against a decision taken by the State Government and it should be seen along this line and no attempt should be made to give it a communal hue. Let there be more people to people contact. Let there be increased dialogues between people on either side of the Greater Lim divide and let's see if a solution can be worked out. We have suggested this, because the fact stands that whatever happens, our destinies are linked and no one can sever or contradict this.
Commentary by Sangai Express Muivah and Nagalim By AD Singh
The Naga peace talk - more accurately the peace talk between NSCN(IM) and the Govt of India, is now at a crucial stage. It appears that the NSCN (IM) has tacitly reconciled itself to a settlement under the Indian Constitution. Notwithstanding its public pronouncement on sovereignty, it is no longer on the card. Having seen the world over the last three decades, beyond the narrow and dark confine of the jungles of Manipur and Nagaland both Isac Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah are now more pragmatic in their approach to the problem. They must have seen how the world is changing. They could not have failed to notice how ideology is gradually being pushed in the world arena, to back stage in relation to economic development.
It must be obvious to them that India of 2005 is not the India of 1960s with a begging bowl. India is now one of the fastest growing economic power. The countries of the world are fully aware of it. Further with the fall of the Soviet Union the doctrine ‘of zone of influence’ and ‘gun boat diplomacy’, to get a foothold at the backyard of a country is no longer relevant. The USA is the only remaining super power. It does not require a trouble spot to make its presence felt. More importantly, it recognises India’s pre-eminent status in the region and values its relationship. It will not therefore, trouble itself with propping up a tiny land locked tribal country if there ever is going to be one, severed out of India. The same will be true for China. It is now more interested in economic power than ideology. The only countries which may take a fancy in brewing trouble in the region are Bangladesh and Pakistan. But they are only of nuisance value and no where in a position to influence the outcome. Hence, bargaining or fighting for sovereignty is only a waste of time and a prolongation of suffering of the public. Already the region is decades behind others in economic development. Both the leaders know it.
It is therefore understandable that ‘Nagalim’ is now the agenda no. 1 of the NSCN(IM) in its talk with Indian Government. The outfit more particularly Muivah is very passionate about it as it does want to show some gain for the three decades of fighting against India. But unfortunately Muivah’s Nagalim is not the same as the present State of Nagaland. It goes far beyond the borders of Nagaland into the territories of the surrounding Indian States of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, and adjoining country of Myanmar. The Naga inhabited areas in Myanmar which some body wants to call East Nagaland can not be the subject of discussion in the ongoing peace talk for obvious reason. That leaves the areas of the three States. In view of the strong posture of not conceding an inch of land taken by all the three States, the Indian Government do not have much room for manoeuvre. The NSCN(IM) will of course, make an issue out of it Why is Nagaland so important to the NSCN(IM)? Is it because both the leaders Isac and Muivah belong to tribes outside the mainstream tribes of Nagaland? The answer is an emphatic Yes. Muivah more than anybody else needs the land and people of Mao and Ukhrul for his political survival in any political setup in Nagaland. People in Chandel and Tamenglong districts of Manipur are poor cousins. They can be left behind if needed. He needs a political base in future. Nagas of Nagaland are unlikely to remain ever grateful to him, once the issue is settled Remember Laldenga of Mizoram and the more civil AGP of Assam which rose to power at the crest of populism but fall by the wayside once the dust settled.
Promised land
What do Muivah have to offer to the common Naga people of Manipur in an Indian State of Nagaland or Nagalim by whatever name you call it? What useful degree of autonomy can Central Government offer it which are not available to other States? Perhaps a large dose of fund which will be squandered in no time. A village or town in Nagaland is as good or as bad as the ones in Manipur. Nagaland is not the promised land of honey and opportunity. If some of the Manipuri Naga leaders see the new State as a green pasture for them, they are in for the shock of their lives. The people of Nagaland is a heterogenous group of tribes, each having its own culture and dialect. They communicate each other by Nagamese, a hybrid of Assamese and Naga dialects. Ethnic politics will not make the life of any new entrant easy, particularly when it comes to sharing the cake however large it is made by the Central Government. It is bound to cause social conflict and stress. There need not be any denying of the contention of common origin of the various tribes of Nagaland and Manipur. But that was many generations ago somewhere in China. If one traces the root too far back, it will lead either to the ape or to Adam and Eve depending upon ones belief and conviction. The fact is every tribe or group has drifted and developed its own culture, custom and dialect through the ages. The drift is still continuing. Christianity has taught the hill people brotherhood and love of god and his people. But in the process it has obliterated the old culture and custom much in the same way Hinduism has done to the Meiteis.
Most tribals are now given English or Christian saint’s names at the time of baptism. Hardly any of the old cultures remains except as entertainment programme in a function. Christianity unlike Hinduism which has hundreds of gods and goddesses, does not encourage idol worship except for Jesus and Mary. It is also against paganism. In a matter of one generation the culture and custom which are thought to be the linkage between the tribes has been blurred. So even if the Nagas of Nagaland and Nagas of Manipur have come from a common parentage, they have drifted far away from each other during the centuries. They have developed their own cultures, customs and dialects. They have to develop a lingua franca to communicate to each other. Possibly, Nagamese has to be learnt to communicate with the Nagas of Nagaland. It is very doubtful whether the new found bondage, if there is going to be one, will be acceptable to the common people on either side. Physical integration without emotional integration will only be a social trauma and will be meaningless.
On the other hand, the Nagas of Manipur are culturally and emotionally, inspite of outward denial by some, nearer to the Meiteis and other tribes of Manipur as they have lived and toiled together for centuries in the same land. By all accounts, it seems that it is only the middle class Nagas who are most vocal about ‘integration’ mainly from the presumed hegemony of the Meiteis. But that is a very debatable presupposition. True the valley has got better infrastructure. But in the hills because the villages are scattered on the hill tops with difficult terrains. The fact that only twenty percent of the population i.e. Tribals occupies eighty percent of the land of State is self explanatory. It is the geo-political condition which dictates development to an extent. Imphal is the capital city. It belongs to all. There is no denying of the demand that every village either hill or valley should be developed.
Muivah has been too long outside the State. Hence may not have noticed the great social changes occurring in the State. There is now better interaction and respect between the hill and valley people than before. The number of old Meitei grand mothers or fathers who were so fussy about cleanness and caste are dwindling. It is interesting to note that with Meitei revivalism, it is going back to tribalism. So it seems the demarcation is being further blared. There are now more Naga people holding high offices and exercising power. It has also been alleged that the Nagas have been denied their rights and are discriminated against in the political field.
True there had been only two Naga Chief Ministers in the State. But none among the Kuki and Mizo or Kabui has been a Chief Minister so far. Besides the patriarchal Rishang Keishing who else other Nagas leader has a political base in his constituency and party. Politics is a different ball game where the fittest is not always the winner. There is therefore no reason for the Naga people to be suspicious of the Meiteis and consider it as big brother. Simply they are brothers. Further there are only few villages which are inhibited by only a pure tribe. If a line is to be drawn to demarcate the Naga areas it will be a very tortuous one. In conclusion, if there is not going to be a sovereign country of Nagalim, it is not worth the trouble for the Nagas of Manipur to demand redrawing of the boundary of Manipur which is bound to cause great hardship to all. This should not be considered as denial of right, rather it will be seen as statesmanship of Muivah. The future of Manipuri Nagas lies with Manipur. If the boundary for Nagalim is to be drawn, that will not be the last one.
Japanese team to visit Nagaland depeekaglobal.com

Kohima, June 22 (UNI) A team of high level officials from Japan is likely to arrive here today on a two-day visit of the state. Official sources said the 32-member delegation, comprising Parliamentarians, politicians, bureaucrats and scholars, would survey the feasibility of a war cemetry at Chedema in memory of the Japanese soldiers of World War II. Chedema is about seven km from here.

During their stay in this capital town, the team would meet senior state government officials and politicians and discuss about the proposed cemetry. The historical Kohima town had witnessed fierce fighting between the Allied powers and the combine of Japanese forces and the Indian National Army, led by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. Many relics of the war, including a deserted tank, Are still to be found in and around Kohima town. The Nagaland government has already proposed a World War II museum near Kohima, the site of the Naga heritage village.

UNC 24 hrs bandh total Newmai News Network
Senapati, Jun 21 : The United Naga Council (UNC) sponsored 24-hour bandh in the four hill districts of Manipur was more or less a success. Reports said that the bandh was total and peaceful except for a stray incident in Senapati district. The UNC in a press release said that the 24-hour bandh in Tamenglong, Senapati, Chandel and Ukhrul was total.
Our Ukhrul correspondent reports that the bandh was total at the district headquarters with shops downing shutters and everyone staying off the road. Only bandh enforcers could be seen moving around. The bandh in Ukhrul was spearheaded by the Tangkhul Naga Long.
The bandh was also successful in Chandel, reports our correspondent. The bandh was however peaceful without any untoward incident. The Naga Students' Federation has also extended its moral support to the economic blockade imposed by ANSAM, adds our correspondent.
The bandh which began since last midnight and will end tonight at 12 o’clock was called in protest against the Manipur Government decision to declare June 18 as State holiday (Manipur Integrity Day).
“The UNC bandh was total and the Naga people have responded over-whelmingly to the bandh which was called against the decision of the Government of Manipur to declare June 18 as a state holiday (Manipur Integrity Day),” said the UNC press release which was made available to Newmai News Network by its Information and Publicity secretary S Milan.
The UNC expressed its deepest gratitude to all the presidents of Tangkhul Naga Long (TNL), Zeliangrong Union of Assam, Manipur and Nagaland, Naga Peoples' Organisation (NPO), Chandel Naga Peoples' Organisation (CNPO), Naga Students Union, Chandel (NSUC), Senapati District Students Association (SDSA), Zeliangrong Youth Front (ZYF), Tangkhul Katamnao Long (TKS), other student bodies, volunteers and the general public for the “fullest co-operation” in making the UNC sponsored bandh a great success, said the release.
All shops and other business establishment, educational institutions and Government offices were closed today in support of the bandh, said the release. Vehicles were off the roads today including Inter-district roads on the two national highways, added the UNC statement. The UNC expressed its gratitude to the government and non-government employees in the four hill districts four attending offices on June 18. Meanwhile, UNC secy S Milan said that three trucks were destroyed by the UNC bandh supporters near Senapati HQ this morning at around 10:15 for violating the bandh order.
Ex-militants seek a new life at North East rehabilitation centre
Guwahati, June 21(ANI): As part of its plan to bring surrendered militants back into the social mainstream, the Central government has opened several rehabilitation centres in different parts of the country's north east. India's Northeast is the location of the earliest and longest lasting insurgency in the country, in Nagaland, where separatist violence commenced in 1952, as well as of a multiplicity of more recent conflicts that have proliferated, especially since the late 1970s. Every State in the region is currently affected by insurgent and terrorist violence.
While there have been several governmental peace initiatives, multi-track diplomacy and Non-governmental Organisations (NGO) peace activities are at an incipient stage. Governmental policies do not encourage international interventions " direct or indirect" in any conflict resolution processes, though mediated developmental interventions are sanctioned. A number of schemes for training, support and rehabilitation of surrendered militants also exist to encourage members of such groups to abjure violence and return over-ground. Till March 22, 2001, some 2,500 ULFA and 1,200 NDFB militants had surrendered in Assam under a revised surrender scheme. One such centre is in Assam's Nalbari district, where the army gives vocational training to former militants. The centre also imparts vocational skills to economically backward youths of the region.
Milon Das was one of several such youth, who got influenced with a dubious ideology, and lost the opportunity to lead a normal life. However, all that has changed now and he has the power to control his own life and steer on a course, towards happiness and prosperity.
Thanks to the Rehabilitation Training Centre, which helps misguided youth like Milon back towards a normal life, Milon has got a new lease of life. "Earlier I was not able to go home, I had to hide, stay away from home, but now every thing has changed, my family is happy, I am happy," said Milon Das, a surrendered militant. The Rehabilitation Training Centre in Nalbari district has many surrendered separatists, whom this turn of fate has brought face to face with a virtual world. They now believe in the power of mouse, not gun, to change their own destiny and the destiny of society they live in.
"The Central government provides 100 crore rupees every year for rehabilitating surrendered separatists. These youths get 2000 rupees per month as stipend. The idea is not to punish who were led astray because of ignorance, but provide them an opportunity to rectify their mistakes and give them with an opportunity to take charge of their lives again," said Brigadier SG Chatterjee.
"They are gaining confidence, the are getting jobs, we are encouraging the youth to go in the right direction away from the path of insurgency and work for the progress and development of their families," he added. The Rehabilitation Centre also provides training to the economically backward youth who are looking for jobs. Depending upon their abilities and aptitude they are trained for different vocations such as computers, driving or tailoring. A special camp is organized for forty days for this purpose where free training and accommodation is provided to them as well.
"They are encouraging us to learn computer, so that we can do well in our life, they are teaching us in very simple language, even when we don't understand they repeat it," said one of the youth receiving training at the rehab centre. All now depends on the surrendered separatists, and it is up to them to handle their way of life, after all the Army can only help them up to a point as guides and mentors. The idea of using focused developmental initiatives to create the context of peace has been a constant theme in the Centre"s policy on conflict resolution in the Northeast. In 1996, the then Prime Minister, H.D. Deve Gowda, announced a Rs. 6.1 crore economic package for the Northeast. His successors, I K Gujral and Atal Behari Vajpayee, followed up by increasing the quantum of aid even further. However, these packages have been poorly implemented with actual devolution of funds falling far below the amounts announced, and a very limited "trickle down" to the intended beneficiaries. The ability of State government agencies to actually implement any development package in the disturbed areas is severely limited. (ANI)
Jawans kill minister’s relative Assam Tribune
IMPHAL, June 21 – The nephew of Manipur’s Minister for Food and Civil Supplies Parijat Singh was allegedly shot dead by Assam Rifles personnel in Imphal Valley in the wee hours today, official sources said. Keshorjit Singh (29) was allegedly picked up from his house at Nongada area in Imphal East district at around 1 am by personnel of the 19th Assam Rifles and shot dead near his house, they said. Local residents, however, alleged that Keshorjit Singh was picked up from his house by the paramilitary personnel and that a carbine with some ammunition was placed near his body after he was killed.

R caught in the middle of Lamlai killing protest Apunba Lup calls 19 hrs general strike from midnight of Jun 22 , Imp-Ukl road blocked indefinitely By Our Staff Reporter
IMPHAL, Jun 21 : Protesting the killing of a 35-year old young man who ran a chemist shop at Napet Palli after being picked up by Assam Rifles, the infuriated local people today blocked the Imphal-Ukhrul Road. Police, however, claimed that arms and ammunition have been recovered from the slain person. The slain person has been identified as Pheiroijam Kishorjit alias Loketomba (35) of Nongada Awang Leikai. He operated a chemist shop, KK Pharmacy at Napet Palli. Kishorjit is said to be a kinsman of Pheiroijam Sanajit who was allegedly killed by the Army after he was picked up from his house in June last year and whose first death anniversary falls tomorrow.
According to information given by the agitating locals, Kishorjit was coming back along with some of his friends after inspecting the ongoing road repairing work from Yaingangpokpi to Sanasabi, when he was arrested by personnel of Assam Rifles from Lisum area yesterday.
However, it was informed this morning that he was killed during an encounter at a spot in between Seijang and Sailen village at around 1.30 am. As the news of the death of Kishorjit spread, the local residents came out in large number and started blocking the Imphal-Ukhrul road to protest the killing.
All vehicular traffic along the route was banned, as a consequence of which the educational institutions and market places in and around the area remained close for the day.
Although the local people informed that Kishorjit had gone driving his scooter (MNIE/3829) from home, the police claimed that one country made carbine, four bullets of 9 mm and one empty cartridges were recovered from near the dead body.
Police further informed that Kishorjit was jailed for one year under NSA after being arrested by Imphal West Commandos in 2000. He was released on bail in 2003 and on June 5 this year, Kishorjit had signed for the Sunday attendance at Lamlai police station .
Meanwhile, informed sources said that the general secretary of Eastern Lions Club Moirangthem Angamba, Club advisor W Gulapi Luwangcha and Village Development Commi- ttee executive member Ph Gulapi were picked up from Nongada by the AR personnel who came in three Gypsys at about 6.30 am today for identifying the body. They were taken to the spot where the alleged encounter took place, but subjected to harassment and intense interrogation separately.
They were also allegedly beaten up and forced to admit that Kishorjit was an underground activist before making them sign on blank papers. In condemnation of the action of the AR personnel on the three persons, the Club has also filed a complaint with the police.
Police have retrieved the body of Kishorjit and deposited it at the mortuary of RIMS Hospital.
A public meeting was later held in the evening at Nongada Awang Leikai Bazar to discuss the future course of action to be taken up. Members of the Apunba Lup, AMUCO, meira paibis attended the meeting chaired by social worker Senjam Ibo Singh. The meeting unanimously decided to indefinitely block the Imphal-Ukhrul road in protest, demand punishment of the personnel involved in killing Kishorjit, repeal AFSPA as well as to form a JAC Against the Custodial Killing of Kishorjit.
Lup calls general strike
Strongly protesting the killing of Kishorjit, the two groups of the Apunba Lup have decided to impose a Statewide general strike from midnight of June 22 till 7 pm of June 23.
In a statement, publicity secretary of one of the group, Ch Premita said that the death of Kishorjit was not the first and will not be the last.
The claim that Kishorjit was a member of the KCP was nothing but an attempt to shield the guilty personnel of 19 Assam Rifles, charged the statement and added that killing without trial is something which is anathema to democracy. The people of Manipur should no longer tolerate the policies pursued by the security personnel, said the statement and recalled the incidents involving Ahanjaobi, Ngaprum Rose, Amina, Manorama, Pravabhini, Sanjita etc. It also appealed to all to support the call of the general strike. In another statement, co-ordinators of the Apunba Lup Ch Surjit, L Bablu and Langdon Leima recalled that it was not so long ago that the State erupted and demanded the total repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act following the custodial killing of Th Manorama by AR. Even the Prime Minister had admitted that AFSPA is indeed draconian and had assured that custodial killings will not be allowed to happen. However it is now clear that neither the Prime Minister nor the President of India can assure the security of the Manipuri people, it added.


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